The Statesman on the Gallows: The Life and Legacy of Abdulkadir Ubeydullah (1851–1925)
- Daniel Rasul
- 3 days ago
- 9 min read
In the early morning light of May 27, 1925, in the historic city of Diyarbakır, a man of immense stature—both physically and politically—ascended the steps of a scaffold. He was seventy-four years old, a descendant of the Prophet Muhammad, a former President of the Ottoman Council of State, and a figurehead for Kurdish aspirations.
His name was Seyyid Abdulkadir Ubeydullah.
His execution marked the end of an era: the final collapse of the bridge between the old Ottoman world of religious-aristocratic leadership and the new, uncompromising reality of the Turkish Republic.
To understand the 20th-century history of the Middle East, one must understand Abdulkadir. He was not merely a "rebel"; he was a statesman who spent decades trying to navigate the impossible transition from a multi-ethnic empire to a world defined by nation-states.
1. The Roots of Authority: The Nehri Dynasty
To understand Abdulkadir, we must first look at the soil from which he grew. He was born in 1851 in Nehri, a village in the Şemdinli district of what is now southeastern Turkey.
The family were Seyyids—direct descendants of the Prophet—which gave them immense social capital. But their power was also institutional. They were the leaders of the Naqshbandi-Khalidi Sufi order. In the 19th-century Ottoman periphery, where central government control was often weak, these "Sheikhs" acted as judges, mediators, and protectors.
Abdulkadir’s father was the legendary Sheikh Ubeydullah of Nehri. Ubeydullah was arguably the first leader to think of the Kurdish people not just as a collection of tribes, but as a distinct national entity.
"The Kurdish nation is a people apart... we want our affairs to be in our own hands," Ubeydullah famously wrote.
Growing up in this environment, Abdulkadir was educated in the classical Islamic sciences, Persian literature, and Arabic. However, he was also a witness to the 1880 rebellion led by his father—a massive uprising that sought to create an independent Kurdish principality between the Ottoman and Qajar (Persian) Empires.
The Failed Revolt and the Path to Exile
When the 1880 revolt was crushed by Ottoman forces (under pressure from European powers and the Qajar Shah), the family’s life changed forever. In 1883, Sheikh Ubeydullah was exiled to Medina. Abdulkadir followed his father into exile, a journey that would transform him from a provincial religious leader into a cosmopolitan political actor.
2. From Exile to the Heart of the Empire
After his father’s death in 1883, Abdulkadir eventually returned to the graces of the Ottoman Sultan, Abdulhamid II. The Sultan practiced a policy of "Pan-Islamism," seeking to bind the various Muslim ethnicities of the Empire (Kurds, Arabs, Albanians) to the Caliphate through personal patronage.
Abdulkadir was summoned to Istanbul. Instead of being treated as the son of a traitor, he was treated as a dignitary. This period of his life is crucial because it highlights the "Ottomanist" side of his identity:
Political Ascent: He was appointed to the Şura-yı Devlet (the Council of State), the highest administrative court and advisory body of the Empire.
A Bridge Between Worlds: He lived in Istanbul but remained the spiritual head of the Naqshbandi followers in the east. He was the man tribal leaders went to when they needed a favor from the Sultan.
For nearly twenty years, Abdulkadir functioned as a loyal Ottoman statesman. However, the ground began to shift in 1908.
3. The 1908 Revolution and the Rise of Kurdish Organizations
The Young Turk Revolution of 1908 overthrew the absolute rule of Sultan Abdulhamid II and restored the constitution. This "Springtime of Peoples" allowed for the formation of legal political clubs and newspapers.
Abdulkadir emerged as a leading figure in the Kurdish Mutual Aid and Progress Society (Kürt Terakki ve Teavün Cemiyeti). For the first time, Kurdish identity was being discussed not just in the mountains, but in the salons of Istanbul.
The Ideological Split
Even then, Abdulkadir was a moderate. He did not initially call for the total separation of Kurdistan from the Empire. Instead, he advocated for:
Administrative Autonomy: Allowing Kurds to manage their local affairs.
Educational Reform: The use of the Kurdish language in schools.
Economic Development: Bringing the "neglected" eastern provinces into the modern age.
However, as the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) became increasingly Turkish nationalist, Abdulkadir and other non-Turkish elites began to feel alienated. The "Ottoman" dream was fracturing.
4. The Great War and the Society for the Elevation of Kurdistan (KTC)
World War I was the cataclysm that destroyed the old world. Following the Ottoman defeat in 1918, Istanbul was occupied by Allied forces. The Empire was being carved up by the Treaty of Sèvres.
In this vacuum, Abdulkadir took his most significant political step. He became the President of the Kürdistan Teali Cemiyeti (KTC)—the Society for the Elevation of Kurdistan.
The Vision of the KTC
The KTC was not a monolith. It was split into two main factions:
The Radicals: Led by figures like Kamuran Bedir Khan, who wanted a fully independent state under British protection.
The Moderates (Abdulkadir’s Group): They favored a form of autonomy within a federated Islamic framework. Abdulkadir still believed that the religious bond between Turks and Kurds was essential.
During the Paris Peace Conference, Abdulkadir was in a difficult position. He lobbied the British and the Americans, citing President Woodrow Wilson's "Fourteen Points" (which promised self-determination for non-Turkish minorities). Yet, he was also wary of European imperialism.
5. The Clash with the Nationalist Movement
While Abdulkadir was lobbying in Istanbul, a new power was rising in Anatolia: Mustafa Kemal (Atatürk) and the Turkish National Movement.
Initially, the Kemalists reached out to Abdulkadir. They needed the support of the Kurdish tribes to fight the Greek invasion in the West. They promised "brotherhood" and "mutual rights." Abdulkadir, ever the diplomat, initially tried to keep a foot in both camps.
The Turning Point: The Treaty of Lausanne (1923)
When the Turkish Nationalists won the War of Independence, the Treaty of Sèvres (which mentioned Kurdish autonomy) was replaced by the Treaty of Lausanne. Lausanne made no mention of the Kurds. The new Republic was to be a strictly Turkish state.
Abdulkadir realized the window for Kurdish autonomy was closing. The abolition of the Caliphate in 1924 was the final blow. For a Seyyid and a religious leader, the Caliphate was the "glue" that held the two peoples together. Without it, he felt the Kurds had no legal or religious protection within the new Turkey.
6. The 1925 Sheikh Said Rebellion and the Trial
In February 1925, a massive uprising broke out in the eastern provinces, led by Sheikh Said of Piran. While the rebellion was largely religious and nationalist in character, the Turkish government viewed it as a coordinated attempt to destroy the young Republic.
Was Abdulkadir Involved?
History remains divided on Abdulkadir's direct involvement in the Sheikh Said rebellion.
The Prosecution's View: They argued that Abdulkadir was the "brain" in Istanbul, coordinating with the British and the rebels in the field.
The Historical View: Most modern historians believe Abdulkadir was actually caught off guard by the timing of the revolt. He was a man of diplomacy and committees, not guerrilla warfare.
Regardless of his active participation, he was the most prestigious Kurdish leader alive. To the new Ankara government, he was a symbol of the "Old Order" that had to be eliminated.
The Trial in Diyarbakır
Abdulkadir was arrested in Istanbul and transported to Diyarbakır to face the Independence Tribunal (İstiklal Mahkemeleri). These were "revolutionary" courts with little room for defense.
Throughout the trial, Abdulkadir maintained his dignity. He denied the charges of treason, asserting that his goal was always the preservation of his people's rights within an Islamic framework. He famously criticized the court for its lack of legal rigor.
7. The End and the Legacy
On May 27, 1925, Abdulkadir and his son, Mehmed Said, were executed. His last words reportedly expressed a wish for the future peace of his people.
Why Abdulkadir Matters Today
Abdulkadir Ubeydullah represents a "lost path" in Middle Eastern history. He was:
A Religious Constitutionalist: He believed Islam and modern administrative structures could coexist.
A Reluctant Nationalist: He did not start as a separatist; he was driven to it by the centralization of the state.
An Aristocratic Leader: His death signaled the end of the influence of the Great Sheikh families in formal high politics, shifting the Kurdish movement eventually toward secular and leftist ideologies decades later.
Summary Table: Key Milestones
Year | Event | Significance |
1851 | Birth in Nehri | Born into the prestigious Naqshbandi-Khalidi lineage. |
1880 | Father's Revolt | Witnessed the first major Kurdish nationalist uprising. |
1908 | Return to Istanbul | Became a high-ranking official in the Ottoman Council of State. |
1918 | President of KTC | Led the most influential Kurdish political organization of the era. |
1925 | Execution | Hanged in Diyarbakır following the Sheikh Said rebellion. |
Conclusion
The story of Abdulkadir Ubeydullah is a tragedy of a man caught between two centuries. He was too "nationalist" for the new Turkish Republic, yet perhaps too "Ottoman" for the more radical Kurdish movements that would follow. He remains a towering figure in the collective memory of the region—a bridge that was burned by the fires of nationalism.
Frequently Asked Questions about Abdulkadir Ubeydullah
1. Was Abdulkadir Ubeydullah primarily a religious leader or a political one?
In the context of the 19th and early 20th centuries, it is impossible to separate the two. As a Seyyid (descendant of the Prophet) and a leader of the Naqshbandi-Khalidi Sufi order, his political authority was derived from his religious prestige.
However, his career in Istanbul—serving on the Council of State (Şura-yı Devlet)—demonstrates that he was also a highly skilled bureaucrat. He viewed himself as a mediator who could bridge the gap between the modernizing Ottoman state and the traditional tribal structures of the East.
2. What was his stance on Kurdish independence versus Ottoman unity?
For most of his life, Abdulkadir was an autonomist, not a separatist. He believed that Kurds should have the right to manage their own local affairs, use their own language, and develop their economy, but he preferred this to happen within the framework of an Islamic Empire.
It was only after the abolition of the Caliphate in 1924 and the rise of a strictly secular Turkish nationalism that he began to see a future outside of the Turkish state as the only way to preserve Kurdish cultural and religious identity.
3. Did he actually lead the 1925 Sheikh Said Rebellion?
This is a point of historical contention. While the Turkish Independence Tribunal convicted him of being the "intellectual architect" behind the scenes, most modern historians suggest he was not directly involved in the military planning.
The rebellion was largely led by Sheikh Said in the rural provinces. Abdulkadir, who was in Istanbul at the time, likely favored a political and diplomatic solution over an armed uprising. However, because of his immense influence and presidency of the KTC, the government viewed him as a figurehead who had to be neutralized.
4. Why is he often associated with the British in historical accounts?
Following World War I, the Middle East was under Allied occupation. Like many leaders of the time (including some Turkish nationalists initially), Abdulkadir engaged in diplomacy with British officials. He hoped to use President Wilson’s 14 Points to secure Kurdish rights through the Treaty of Sèvres.
While his detractors often labeled him a "British agent," historical records suggest he was acting as a diplomat for his people, trying to navigate a world where the British were the primary power brokers in the region.
5. What is his legacy in the Middle East today?
Abdulkadir Ubeydullah is remembered as a martyr by many Kurdish nationalists and as a symbol of the "Old Ottoman Order" by others. He represents a "what if" in history: a moment where a different kind of Middle East—one that was multi-ethnic, decentralized, and religiously grounded—was still a possibility.
His execution, along with his son Mehmed Said, marked the definitive end of the "Ayan" (notable) families' ability to negotiate with the central government, leading to decades of tension between the state and the periphery.
References & Recommended Resources
Foundational Academic Books
McDowall, David. A Modern History of the Kurds. (I.B. Tauris, 2021).
The most comprehensive resource for understanding the political landscape Abdulkadir navigated.
Olson, Robert. The Emergence of Kurdish Nationalism and the Sheikh Said Rebellion, 1880–1925. (University of Texas Press, 1989).
A critical analysis of the transition from Abdulkadir’s father's revolt to the 1925 events.
Özoğlu, Hakan. Kurdish Notables and the Ottoman State: Evolving Identities, Competing Loyalties, and Shifting Boundaries. (SUNY Press, 2004).
Essential for understanding the "loyalist" vs. "nationalist" identity conflict of elite Kurdish families.
Bruinessen, Martin van. Agha, Shaikh, and State: The Social and Political Structures of Kurdistan. (Zed Books, 1992).
Focuses on the sociological power of the Naqshbandi-Khalidi order and the Sheikh dynasties.
Jwaideh, Wadie. The Kurdish National Movement: Its Origins and Development. (Syracuse University Press, 2006).
A deep historical narrative on the evolution of Kurdish political consciousness.
Journal Articles & Scholarly Research
Özoğlu, Hakan. "Nationalism" and Kurdish Notables in the Late Ottoman-Early Republican Era. (International Journal of Middle East Studies, 2001).
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Soleimani, Kamal. Islam and Competing Nationalisms: The Kurds and the Turks in the Late Ottoman Era. (Columbia University Press, 2016).
Klein, Janet. The Margins of Empire: Kurdish Militias in the Ottoman Tribal Zone. (Stanford University Press, 2011).
Primary Sources & Archives
Turkish State Archives (Cumhuriyet Arşivi): For those fluent in Turkish, the official records of the Diyarbakır İstiklal Mahkemesi (Independence Tribunal) provide the legal basis for his trial.
The National Archives (UK): Search "Seyyid Abdulkadir" or "Kurdish Progress Society" in the Foreign Office (FO) files.
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