Understanding relations between Kurds and Assyrians requires a distinction between the history of states, the identities of communities and the conduct of political actors. Defending Kurdish rights to self-government, language and security is a legitimate political position. That defence becomes stronger when the same standards apply to Assyrian, Chaldean and Syriac neighbours. This article argues that the past should remain open to research and criticism, without becoming a judgment on the worth of people today or a justification for denying their rights.
Read ancient Assyria in its own historical setting
The British Museum’s description of a Babylonian chronicle records the Median siege of Ashur in 614 BCE, followed by Median and Babylonian cooperation in the siege of Nineveh in 612 BCE. Some Assyrian forces subsequently gathered at Harran. These events belong within the history of conflict between ancient powers; they should not be turned into an account of uninterrupted confrontation between modern peoples. The British Museum’s description of the Babylonian chronicle.
Analysis: This document does not establish that today’s Kurds and Assyrians are the same political and military units as those of antiquity. Historical connections require investigation of languages, migration, documents and social change. Even where a cultural or historical connection is accepted, responsibility for an empire’s wars does not pass to later generations. Nor does an ancient coalition’s victory establish exclusive ownership of land for any present-day community.
Let people describe their own identities
In Assyrians in Modern Iraq, Alda Benjamen examines the community’s place in northern Mesopotamia and its connections with Syriac linguistic and church traditions. Her research shows why religious affiliation, language and ethnic identity cannot always be treated as interchangeable. It also discusses shared neighbourhoods, participation in parties and unions, and cultural cooperation across church boundaries. These examples reveal the complexity of social life. Introduction to Alda Benjamen’s book, Cambridge University Press.
Analysis: Fair discussion should identify people and communities by the names they accept for themselves. Assyrian, Chaldean and Syriac can carry different meanings for different people. Disagreement over terminology does not invalidate people or remove their right to participate. The same principle applies to Kurdish identity. Research into the formation of identities should deepen understanding, rather than become a test of who deserves rights.
Documented violence and the experience of offering refuge
In September 2024, the United Nations investigative team for accountability for ISIL crimes announced reasonable grounds to believe that international crimes had been committed against Christians in Mosul and the Nineveh Plains between 2014 and 2017. The announced findings included forcible transfer, pillage and destruction of cultural property. This was a specific investigation concerning identifiable perpetrators and victims, and its findings should be reported within those limits. The United Nations statement on UNITAD’s findings.
Another part of this experience was refuge. In June 2014, UNHCR reported that families from Qaraqosh had fled to the Kurdistan Region and were staying with relatives or in schools and community centres, mainly in Erbil. The briefing also mentioned assistance from local volunteers. Such evidence allows hospitality and mutual assistance to be acknowledged precisely, without suggesting that every institution’s record was flawless. UNHCR briefing, 27 June 2014.
Analysis: Defending Kurdish rights through equal standards
A credible defence of Kurdish rights should answer unfounded accusations with evidence, distinctions between different actors and opportunities for accountability. A claim against a party, armed force or official must be examined with its time, place and supporting material. Attributing one actor’s conduct to all Assyrians or all Kurds prevents fair assessment. Criticism of a policy should not become a judgment on neighbours’ religion, ancestry or right to remain in their homes.
This article proposes connecting respect for identity with practical safeguards: protecting schools and places of worship, impartially examining property complaints, allowing independent civic activity and hearing the accounts of affected families. Inflammatory public material should likewise be assessed by examining the particular statement and speaker; a handful of posts does not represent a people’s collective will. The value of self-government can be judged through residents’ security and freedom. That standard strengthens the defence of Kurdish rights while recognising an equal place for Assyrians, Chaldeans and Syriacs in a shared future.
Editorial note: This version was rewritten using the cited sources. Sections identified as analysis express the editorial position of this version.