Kurdish tribal histories concern changing relationships among households, chiefs, land and governments. A tribal name may identify a branch, a larger confederation or a historical political network. Understanding those differences is more useful than assuming that every named group has remained unchanged since antiquity.

Sherwana Castle with brick towers and arched windows above a grassy slope, with visitors standing on its terrace
Sherwana at Kalar, photographed by Aso on 14 March 2014. Glasgow’s heritage project records local oral histories linking this nineteenth-century residence to Muhammad Pasha Jaf. The building illustrates a particular chiefly household, not a universal tribal way of life. © Aso (ئاسۆ) · 14 March 2014 · Wikimedia Commons · CC BY-SA 3.0.

What does “tribe” mean?

Anthropologist Richard Tapper stresses that tribe and confederation have no single, universally accepted definition. Terms such as aşiret, il and taife can refer to different levels of organisation. Common-descent narratives matter, but so do territory, leadership and political ties. He also distinguishes large cultural-linguistic populations, including the Kurds, from tribes. [1] Kurdish identity therefore cannot be reduced to membership in one tribal organisation, and a confederation’s name alone does not establish a biological family tree.

Political groups changed in scale

Tapper links the nineteenth-century dissolution of Kurdish emirates to smaller political organisations. Protection, resources, officials and rivalries influenced alliances and leadership. [1] Comparing accounts requires a period, locality, chief and constituent sections: continuity of the name does not establish that all these stayed the same.

Reading historical regional lists

Pierre Oberling’s 2004 survey gathers names from sources of different dates. For Iraq, it explicitly presents a list attributed to Muhammad Amin Zaki for 1931; its Iranian sections draw on other regional studies. [2] The examples below are pointers into that survey, not current population counts or exclusive territories. A list assembled for one district and date cannot determine a living person’s identity from a surname alone.

Selected entries in source 2. Dates and scope vary; these are historical references, not present-day boundaries.
Name in the surveyRegional reference
MokriAround Mahabad, Iranian survey
HerkiAround Urmia, Iranian survey
ZibariMosul region, Iraq list for 1931
JafSulaymaniyah region, Iraq list for 1931

Jaf: migration across an imperial frontier

M. Reza Fariborz Hamzeh’ee distinguishes the Moradi Jaf in southern Iraqi Kurdistan from the Javanrudi Jaf in Iran. His account connects their history to movement between the Sulaymaniyah–Khanaqin area and Iranian Kurdistan. Seasonal access across the Ottoman–Iranian frontier became a matter of state relations; the governor Farhad Mirza restricted entry from Ottoman territory during his 1867–1874 governorship. [3] Grazing, settlement and government authority thus offer concrete historical questions, without requiring an unbroken genealogy reaching back to the Medes.

States, chiefs and kinship networks

Ceren Belge’s study notes that the Hamidiye Light Cavalry, established in 1891, strengthened particular tribes through security roles and dependence on the Ottoman state. In her argument about the Turkish Republic after 1923, kinship networks also offered ways of resisting bureaucratic control and imposed identity alongside nationalist movements. [4] These are different relationships with state power. A chief’s appointment or a local network’s resistance should not be treated as the shared political choice of every Kurd.

Sherwana: a household, a building and seasonal movement

The University of Glasgow’s Qala Shirwana project records oral histories attributing the Kalar residence to Muhammad Pasha Khasro beg-i-Jaff and dating construction to 1866–1874. It also reports that Jaf groups wintered nearby before moving to higher ground in late spring. [5] A substantial residence and seasonal pastoral movement could coexist. The project’s account distinguishes the nineteenth-century building from the much older settlement mound below it: the mound’s age does not date the Jaf household or prove a tribe’s ancient ancestry.

Sources and further reading

  1. Richard Tapper, Confederations, Tribal, Encyclopaedia Iranica VI/2 (1992), pp. 125–128, updated 2013; definitions, organisation and state relations.
  2. Pierre Oberling, Kurdish Tribes, Encyclopaedia Iranica (2004), updated 2010; regional survey and its historical sources, including Zaki’s 1931 Iraq list.
  3. M. Reza Fariborz Hamzeh’ee, Jaf (Jāf), Encyclopaedia Iranica XIV/4 (2008), pp. 346–347, updated 2012; migration, branches and frontier restrictions.
  4. Ceren Belge, State Building and the Limits of Legibility: Kinship Networks and Kurdish Resistance in Turkey, IJMES 43/1 (2011), pp. 95–114; public abstract and note 3. DOI: 10.1017/S0020743810001212.
  5. University of Glasgow, Qala Shirwana Cultural Heritage Project; building history, local oral accounts and seasonal movement.