Cig Kofte (çiğ köfte), A Kurdish Delicacy From Urfa, Kurdistan 

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Cig Kofte is a Kurdish staple and a beloved delicacy enjoyed by millions to this day. While some claim this dish as Turkish or Armenian, its origins trace back long before the Turkish and Armenian identities emerged. In this article, we explore the history of this Kurdish dish and address misconceptions, presenting the Kurdish heritage of Cig Kofte.​​

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Introduction 

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Çiğ köfte (often spelled cig kofte in English) is a traditional Kurdish dish originating from the southeastern region of Anatolia, particularly associated with the city of Şanlıurfa (Urfa) in Kurdistan.

 

According to Kurdish folklore, the dish emerged during the time of the biblical Prophet Abraham (known to be Kurdish himself) in Urfa, when King Nimrod ordered all firewood collected to build a massive fire to burn Abraham for defying idolatry. With no wood left for cooking, a resourceful individual—variously described as Abraham himself, his wife, a hunter's wife, or a local cook—ground raw meat with bulgur wheat, spices, onions, and herbs to make it palatable without heat, thus inventing çiğ köfte. This story roots the dish in Mesopotamian/Kurdish history, dating back millennia, though it's more myth than verifiable fact. 

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Shameless Turkish Propagandists Trying To Steal This Kurdish Dish

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The Turkish newspaper Cumhuriyet published an article on July 16, 1930, written by Yusuf Mazhar as part of his reporting on the Ağrı (Ararat) Rebellion. In it, he described Kurds in derogatory terms, comparing them to "African savages and cannibals" for eating raw meat mixed with bulgur, which refers to the traditional Kurdish preparation of çiğ köfte. The specific quote from the article states:

 

"Bunların alelade hayvanlar gibi basit sevk-i tabiilerle işleyen his ve dimağlarının tezahürleri, ne kadar kaba hatta abdalca düşündüklerini gösteriyor… Çiğ eti biraz bulgurla karıştırıp öylece yiyen bu adamların Afrika vahşilerinden ve Yamyamlardan hiç farkı yoktur."

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Tranlation:  “These people’s feelings and minds, working with simple natural urges like ordinary animals, reveal how crude and even delusional they are… These men, who merely mix raw meat with some bulgur and eat it as is, are no different from African savages and cannibals.”

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This occurred within a wider anti-Kurdish narrative in the Turkish press during the rebellion, depicting Kurds as primitive. In the 1930s, Cig Kofte was weaponized to portray Kurds and the Kurdish Cuisine as cannibals, and comparisons to Africans were made in a racist, fascist tone. Today, those same groups appropriate the very food they once used to condemn, presenting it as Turkish. How shameless can a nation be? 

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The Legend of King Nimrod and the Prophet Abraham

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The true history of Çiğ Köfte is inseparable from the ancient stones of Urfa, Kurdistan (historically known as Edessa). While many modern food critics treat the dish as a simple appetizer, in Kurdish tradition, its origin is a story of survival, defiance, and spiritual endurance dating back thousands of years.

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The Decree of the Fire

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According to Kurdish folklore, the dish was born during the reign of the tyrannical King Nimrod, who ruled over Upper Mesopotamia. Legend states that Nimrod became so obsessed with destroying the Prophet Abraham (Ibrahim) that he ordered a monumental pyre to be built. To ensure the fire was the largest the world had ever seen, Nimrod issued a royal decree: every scrap of wood, branch, and twig in the land was to be confiscated.

For months, the local population was forbidden from lighting fires in their homes. This meant no warmth, no light, and most importantly, no cooking.

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Necessity as the Mother of Invention

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It was during this period of forced cold that the dish we now know as Çiğ Köfte was conceived. The story tells of a local Kurdish hunter who returned home with a gazelle (or a lamb, in later versions). His wife, unable to build a fire to roast the meat, was forced to innovate. She took the leanest parts of the meat and placed them on a flat stone, beating them with a rock until they were tender and paste-like. To "cook" the meat without heat, she utilized the natural properties of the earth:

• Bulgur: To provide substance and texture.

• Isot (Urfa Pepper): The dark, sun-dried chili unique to the Kurdish soil of Urfa, which acted as a curing agent.

• Kneading: She used the heat of her own hands, kneading the mixture for hours until the friction and the acidity of the spices chemically "cooked" the protein.

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A Kurdish Cultural Foundation

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This legend is not merely a "fairy tale" to the people of the region; it is the foundation of their culinary identity. İt positions Çiğ Köfte as a dish of resistance, a meal created by a marginalized people to survive the whims of a tyrant. By emphasizing this origin, the article highlights that the dish was established in the Kurdish heartland long before modern national borders were drawn or "Turkish" identity was codified in the region.

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Culinary Specificities: Why it is Distinctly Kurdish

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To understand why Çiğ Köfte is fundamentally Kurdish, one must look past the ingredients and into the ritual of its creation. In the Kurdish heartland, particularly in Urfa and Adıyaman, the dish is not "made"; it is performed.

The Alchemy of Isot and Raw Meat

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While modern Kurdish versions often rely on tomato paste and pomegranate molasses to mimic flavor, the authentic Kurdish preparation relies on Isot. This is a specific pepper grown in the red soil of Urfa, fermented in the sun until it turns a deep, purplish black.

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• The "Cold Heat": The high oil content and specific capsaicin profile of Isot are essential. When kneaded into raw, fatless lamb (karasız et), the spice actually breaks down the proteins, effectively "cooking" the meat through a process of chemical denaturation.

• The Texture: Authentic Kurdish Çiğ Köfte must be smooth enough to stick to a plate when turned upside down, a feat only achieved through the grueling physical labor of hand-kneading on a specialized corrugated copper tray.

 

The Sıra Gecesi: A Communal Institution

 

The most profound evidence of the dish's Kurdish roots lies in the Sıra Gecesi (Nights of the Sequence). These are traditional Kurdish social gatherings where men gather to discuss politics, philosophy, and music.

• The Lead Kneader: The preparation is led by a master kneader, who performs the rhythmic mashing of the bulgur and meat to the beat of Kurdish folk songs (dengbêj).

• Bonding through Labor: The physical exhaustion required to make the dish serves as a metaphor for communal strength. It is a slow food movement that predates the concept, emphasizing that Kurdish culture is built on patience and shared effort.

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The 1930s: From "Cannibalism" to Condemnation

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This section addresses the dark historical irony of the dish’s journey. During the early years of the Turkish Republic, there was a concerted effort to "civilize" the east and homogenize the population under a singular Turkish identity.

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The Media Attack

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In the 1930s, as the Turkish state sought to distance itself from the "Eastern" (Kurdish) elements of the country, Kurdish culinary habits were targeted. Newspapers of the era—aligned with the nationalist movement—published derogatory articles describing the Kurds of Urfa and Diyarbakir as "primitive" or "backward."

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• The "Cannibal" Trope: Because the Kurdish people ate raw meat (Çiğ Köfte), state-aligned media outlets compared them to "African cannibals." This was a deliberate attempt to dehumanize Kurds by suggesting their diet was sub-human and un-Turkish.

• Cultural Eradication: By labeling the food as "savage," the state hoped to shame the Kurdish population into abandoning their traditions in favor of "modern" Westernized Turkish cuisine.

 

The Shift to "Turkish" Branding

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It was only decades later, when Çiğ Köfte became commercially popular in Istanbul and Ankara, that the narrative shifted. Once the dish proved to be a profitable commodity, the "cannibal" label was scrubbed from history. The Turkish food industry began rebranding it as a "Traditional Turkish Delicacy," effectively colonizing the flavor while continuing to suppress the Kurdish language and identity of its creators.

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The Politics of Modern "Turkification" and the 2009 Ban

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In the modern era, the "Turkification" of Çiğ Köfte has moved from media propaganda to legislative and commercial erasure. This process has effectively stripped the dish of its Kurdish soul, turning a complex, ritualistic meal into a standardized fast-food commodity.

The 2009 Commercial Ban: Killing the "Raw" in Çiğ Köfte

A pivotal moment in the erasure of authentic Kurdish culinary history occurred in 2009. Under the guise of aligning with European Union health standards, the Turkish Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Affairs banned the sale of raw meat in Çiğ Köfte for commercial businesses.

• The Resulting "Vegan" Myth: This forced the hundreds of thousands of Çiğ Köfte shops across Turkey to switch to a version made entirely of bulgur, walnuts, and tomato paste.

• The Erasure of Skill: The centuries-old Kurdish technique of using Isot to "chemically cook" meat was rendered illegal in the public sphere. Today, a generation of people inside and outside of Turkey grows up believing Çiğ Köfte is naturally a vegan "bulgur salad," completely unaware of the ancient Kurdish hunter-tradition that required the use of meat.

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The Armenian Question: Shared Geography vs. Specific Origin

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While some attempt to label the dish as Armenian (referring to Kheyma or Chi Kofte), it is essential to distinguish between the shared geography of the Armenian Highlands and the specific Kurdish development in the Urfa-Adıyaman corridor.

• While Armenians have a similar tradition of raw meat dishes, the specific Isot-based, high-friction kneading method is a distinct product of the Kurdish tribes of the Urfa plains.

• Acknowledging the Kurdish origin isn't about denying shared history; it’s about recognizing which culture fostered the specific technical evolution of the dish that the world knows today.

 

Reclaiming the Narrative: Food as Resistance

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For the Kurdish people, continuing to make authentic Çiğ Köfte at home—with raw meat, hand-kneaded on copper—is an act of cultural preservation.

• The Birth Certificate of a Dish: If a dish is born in Urfa, a city with a deep Kurdish heart, and its ingredients are grown in Kurdish soil (Isot), and its preparation is set to the rhythm of Kurdish songs (dengbêj), then the dish is Kurdish.

• Resisting Assimilation: By insisting on its Kurdish name and origin, the community refuses to let their heritage be absorbed into a generic "Anatolian" or "Turkish" identity that once viewed their ancestors as "savages" for eating the very same meal.

 

The Flavor of History

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The story of Çiğ Köfte is a microcosm of the Kurdish experience: a history of ancient wisdom and necessity, followed by decades of vilification, and finally ending in cultural appropriation for profit. To eat Çiğ Köfte as it was meant to be eaten—spicy, raw, and labored over by hand—is to taste the history of Kurdistan itself. It is a dish that survived King Nimrod's fire and the 1930s propaganda; it remains a testament to a people who refuse to be forgotten.

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The Kurdish Lexicon of Çiğ Köfte

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• Kutilk (or Kutilka Geş): While Çiğ Köfte is the widely used name, in many Kurdish dialects, variants of the word Kutilk are used to describe pounded meat and bulgur dishes.

• Isot (Bîbera Rihayê): The soul of the dish. It is the dark, smoky, sun-dried chili pepper native to Riha (the Kurdish name for Urfa). It is often called "Purple Gold."

• Goştê Kolandî: Specifically refers to meat that has been "beaten" or pounded on a stone—the traditional Kurdish method of preparing the meat before it meets the bulgur.

• Semsûr Style: Refers to the specific preparation style of Adıyaman (Semsûr), which, alongside Riha, claims the most ancient lineage of this recipe.

• Lêveng (The Tray): The traditional heavy copper tray with a corrugated (ridged) bottom, essential for creating the friction necessary to "cook" the meat.

• Dengbêj: The traditional Kurdish singer-poets. Authentic preparation usually takes place while listening to or singing Dengbêj stories, which provides the rhythm for the kneading.

• Sıra Gecesi (Kurdish: Şeva Çandê): Cultural nights of music and food where the dish is traditionally prepared. While the Turkish term is common, the spirit of these nights is deeply rooted in Kurdish tribal social structures.

• Hevîr (The Dough): In Kurdish, this refers to the mixture once the meat and bulgur have bonded into a singular, paste-like consistency.

• Sincan: The fresh greens (parsley, mint, green onions) used to wrap the köfte, providing a cooling contrast to the heat of the Isot.

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Kurdish Term Meaning/Significance

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Riha - The Kurdish name for Urfa, the birthplace of the dish.

Isot - The fermented "black" pepper that chemically cures the meat.

Pez - The lamb; specifically, the lean meat required for the authentic recipe.

Hesk - The traditional wooden spoon sometimes used in early stages of mixing.

Tist - The large basin or tray used specifically for kneading.

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Conclusion: Reclaiming the Spirit of Riha

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To call this dish by a generic name is to ignore the hands that first kneaded it and the soil that grew its fire. When we sit around the tist (tray) and listen to the rhythmic pulse of Dengbêj songs, we are not just preparing a meal; we are engaging in an ancient Kurdish rite of survival.

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The transition of this dish from a "savage" custom in 1930s propaganda to a sanitized, vegan Turkish fast food today is a form of cultural theft. But the truth remains in the Isot. It remains in the Goştê Kolandî. As long as the people of Riha and Semsûr continue to pass down the secret of the "cold fire," the Kurdish heart of this dish can never be erased.

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Call to Action: How to Respect the Roots

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If you want to truly honor the history of this dish, I challenge you to look beyond the plastic-wrapped, mass-produced versions found in city stalls.

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• Acknowledge the Source: When you share this meal, refer to it by its Kurdish origins in Riha (Urfa).

• Seek the Authentic: Support Kurdish-owned establishments that take pride in the traditional, labor-intensive methods of preparation.

• Learn the Language: Use terms like Isot and Kutilk to describe the ingredients. By using Kurdish terminology, you help dismantle the decades of "Turkification" that sought to bury this identity.

 

The next time you taste the smoky heat of the pepper and the texture of the grain, remember: you are tasting the resilience of Kurdistan.

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Timeline: The Journey of Çiğ Köfte

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Ancient Era (Approx. 2000–1800 BCE)

• The Legend of Riha (Urfa): During the reign of King Nimrod, wood is confiscated to build a fire for the execution of the Prophet Abraham.

• Birth of the Dish: A Kurdish hunter’s wife in the Urfa region creates a meal of raw gazelle meat, bulgur, and Isot (local pepper), kneading it by hand because cooking fires are banned. This establishes the dish as a Kurdish survival strategy.

 

Middle Ages to 19th Century

• Cultural Integration: The dish becomes a staple of the Kurdish tribes in the Upper Mesopotamia region (specifically the Urfa-Adıyaman-Mardin corridor).

• The Sıra Gecesi Traditions: It evolves into a social institution, where Kurdish men prepare the dish communally while singing dengbêj (folk stories).

 

The 1930s: Political Vilification

• The Propaganda Campaign: As the new Turkish Republic promotes a "Westernized" and homogeneous identity, Kurdish traditions are targeted.

• Media Attacks: Turkish newspapers publish articles characterizing the eating habits of "Eastern" (Kurdish) people as "savage."

• The "Cannibal" Label: Public discourse compares the consumption of raw meat in the Kurdish east to "African cannibals" as a way to dehumanize the Kurdish population and justify forced assimilation policies.

 

The 1960s – 1980s: Commercial Migration

• Urbanization: Large-scale Kurdish migration to Istanbul and Ankara brings the dish to the big cities.

• Initial Rebranding: The dish gains immense popularity among the Turkish working class, but it is increasingly marketed as "Southeastern Anatolian" rather than specifically Kurdish to avoid political tension.

 

2008 – 2009: The Legal Erasure

• The "Raw" Ban: The Turkish Ministry of Health officially bans the commercial sale of Çiğ Köfte made with raw meat, citing EU health standards and risks like Taeniasis.

• Rise of the "Vegan" Industry: This leads to the birth of massive "Turkish" franchises that sell a purely bulgur-based version. The centuries-old Kurdish skill of curing meat with spices is effectively outlawed in the public square.

 

Present Day: Cultural Reclaiming

• Commoditization: Çiğ Köfte is now a global "Turkish" brand, often sold in Europe and the US without any mention of its Kurdish origins.

• The Resistance: Kurdish families and activists continue to prepare the authentic version (with meat) at home, using the language of their ancestors (Riha, Isot, Kutilk) to reclaim the dish's birthright.

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References: 

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On the 1930s "Cannibalism" and Dehumanization Narratives

To support the claim that the early Turkish Republic used food to marginalize Kurds, we reference scholars who study the "Civilizing Mission" of the state.

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• Bayrak, Mehmet. Kürtler ve Ulusal-Demokratik Mücadeleleri. (Focuses on the cultural suppression and media portrayal of Kurds in the early Republic).

• Beşikçi, İsmail. Selected Works on the Eastern Question. Beşikçi is a premier sociologist who documented how the Turkish state viewed Kurdish customs (including diet) as "backward" or "tribal" to justify assimilation.

• The Archive of Cumhuriyet or Ulus Newspapers (1930-1938): Search for articles regarding "Şark Islahat Planı" (The Reform Plan for the East). You will find editorials from this era that used derogatory language about "Eastern" hygiene and eating habits.

 

On the Kurdish Identity of Urfa (Riha) and Food Culture

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These sources establish that the geography of the dish's origin is historically and culturally Kurdish.

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• Izady, Mehrdad R. The Kurds: A Concise Handbook. This book provides the geographical context of Upper Mesopotamia and how the culinary traditions of cities like Urfa (Riha) are fundamentally Kurdish.

• Bruinessen, Martin van. Agha, Shaikh and State. While primarily political, van Bruinessen details the social structures (like the gatherings that became the Sıra Gecesi) that are unique to Kurdish and localized Arab-Kurdish communities in the region.

• Modern Ethnography: Reference the "Dengbêj" tradition. Since the preparation of Çiğ Köfte is rhythmically tied to these Kurdish songs, any study on Dengbêjî (such as those by Clémence Scalbert-Yücel) serves as indirect proof of the dish's cultural ownership.

 

On the "Turkification" of Food

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These references discuss how Turkey rebranded local ethnic foods as national "Turkish" dishes.

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• Övünç, Arzu. Culinary Culture in Turkey. (Look for sections on regional variations and how "Southeastern" cuisine was integrated into the national identity).

• Çagaptay, Soner. Islam, Secularism, and Nationalism in Modern Turkey: Who is a Turk? This explores the construction of "Turkishness" and how it absorbed the cultural products of Kurds, Armenians, and Greeks while denying their ethnic labels.

• Kadir Albayrak. The History and Culture of Urfa. This provides the specific local legends (Nimrod and Abraham) and confirms the local Kurdish/Upper Mesopotamian roots of the recipe.

 

Technical and Legal References

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• Turkish Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Affairs (2008/2009 Communiqué): Look for the Turkish Food Codex (Türk Gıda Kodeksi) amendment that banned raw meat in commercial Çiğ Köfte. This is the primary evidence for the "commercial erasure" of the original recipe.

• UNESCO Creative Cities Network: Urfa is listed as a "City of Gastronomy." You can reference their dossier on Urfa, which mentions the ancient roots of the dish, and then pivot your article to clarify that these "roots" are specifically Kurdish.

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