North Kurdistan (Bakur)
- Sherko Sabir
- 8 hours ago
- 39 min read
Table of Contents
1: Defining Northern Kurdistan (Bakurê Kurdistanê)
To understand the history of Northern Kurdistan—referred to in Kurdish as Bakurê Kurdistanê or simply Bakur (North)—you first must understand the land itself. Geography is destiny, and in the case of the Kurds in modern-day Turkey, the formidable terrain has shaped their culture, their economy, and their centuries-long history of resistance and survival.
This region roughly corresponds to Turkey's officially designated Eastern Anatolia and Southeastern Anatolia regions, encompassing roughly a third of the country's total landmass.
The Geography: A Fortress of Mountains and Rivers
Northern Kurdistan is defined by its dramatic, unforgiving topography. It is a high-altitude plateau fractured by soaring mountain ranges, deep valleys, and fertile plains.
The Mountain Ranges: The region is dominated by the Taurus Mountains to the south and the Anti-Taurus ranges pushing eastward. Further east, the landscape merges into the rugged highlands bordering Iran and the Caucasus. These mountains are not just geological features; they are a cultural cornerstone. The famous Kurdish proverb, "The Kurds have no friends but the mountains," stems directly from the fact that these peaks have historically provided sanctuary from invading empires and state armies. Mount Ararat (Agirî), Turkey's highest peak, sits on the eastern edge of this region.
The Cradle of Rivers: Northern Kurdistan is the birthplace of two of the most important rivers in human history: the Tigris (Dîcle) and the Euphrates (Firat). Both rivers originate in the mountains of this region before flowing south through Syria and Iraq into the Persian Gulf. This abundance of water has made the valleys historically fertile, but in modern times, it has also made the region a highly contested strategic asset.
Climate: The climate is extreme. Winters are notoriously long and harsh, often burying mountain villages in snow and cutting them off from the rest of the world for months. Summers, particularly in the southeastern plains near the Syrian border, are blisteringly hot and dry.
Demographics and the Challenge of Numbers
Pinpointing the exact population of Northern Kurdistan is practically impossible due to modern Turkish state policy. Since the foundation of the Turkish Republic in 1923, national censuses have not asked citizens to identify their ethnicity, a deliberate move originally intended to enforce a unified Turkish national identity.
However, demographic experts and independent researchers estimate that there are roughly 15 to 20 million Kurds living in Turkey today, making them the largest ethnic minority in the country (approximately 18–25% of the total population).
Internal Displacement: It is important to note that while Northern Kurdistan is the historical homeland, millions of Kurds now live in western Turkish cities like Istanbul, Izmir, and Ankara. Istanbul is often referred to as the city with the largest Kurdish population in the world, a result of both economic migration and the forced village evacuations during the brutal armed conflict of the 1990s.
The Linguistic Landscape
The Kurdish language is an Indo-European language, entirely distinct from Turkish (which is an Altaic/Turkic language) and Arabic (a Semitic language). In Northern Kurdistan, the linguistic landscape is primarily divided into two main dialects:
Kurmanji (Kurmancî): This is the dominant dialect, spoken by the vast majority of Kurds in Turkey. It is written in the Latin alphabet.
Zazaki (Kirmanjki/Dimilî): Spoken primarily in the northwestern pockets of the region, specifically around Dersim (Tunceli), Bingöl, Elazığ, and parts of Diyarbakır. Linguists debate whether Zazaki is a dialect of Kurdish or a closely related standalone language within the Northwestern Iranian language branch, but culturally and politically, Zaza speakers overwhelmingly identify as Kurds.
Key Cities: The Cultural and Political Hubs
The region is dotted with ancient cities that have served as waystations on the Silk Road and the capitals of medieval emirates.
Diyarbakır (Amed): The undisputed political and cultural heart of Northern Kurdistan. Situated on the banks of the Tigris River, it is famous for its massive, black basalt Roman-era city walls. Amed has always been the epicenter of Kurdish political movements, protests, and cultural revivals.
Van (Wan): Located on the shores of Lake Van (the largest lake in Turkey), this city has deep historical roots stretching back to the ancient Kingdom of Urartu.
Mardin (Mêrdîn): Known for its breathtaking Artuqid architecture clinging to a steep hill overlooking the Mesopotamian plains. Mardin is a historical melting pot of Kurds, Arabs, Assyrians, and Turks.
Şanlıurfa (Riha): A city of immense religious significance, believed by many to be the birthplace of the Prophet Abraham. It has a deeply mixed Kurdish and Arab population.
Dersim (officially Tunceli): A unique, mountainous province known for its fiercely independent spirit and its predominantly Alevi-Kurdish (and Zaza-speaking) population. It was the site of the devastating 1937-1938 rebellion and massacre.
Hakkari (Colemêrg) & Şırnak (Şirnex): Bordering Iraq and Iran, these are the most rugged, mountainous, and historically tribal provinces. They have been at the geographic center of the modern armed conflict between the PKK and the Turkish state.
The Economic Reality
Economically, Northern Kurdistan has historically been the poorest and most underdeveloped region within modern Turkey. For decades, the Turkish state prioritized investment and industrialization in the western half of the country.
The most significant state investment in the region has been the Southeastern Anatolia Project (GAP), a massive, multi-decade hydroelectric and irrigation project involving the construction of 22 dams on the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. While GAP brought irrigation and electricity, it has been highly controversial among Kurds. The damming projects have flooded vast tracts of agricultural land and completely submerged priceless historical sites, most notably the 12,000-year-old ancient town of Hasankeyf (Heskîf) in 2020, displacing local populations and erasing irreplaceable Kurdish and regional heritage.
2: Antiquity and Early History (The Roots of Bakur)
When exploring the ancient history of Northern Kurdistan, it is crucial to understand that modern national identities (like "Kurd" or "Turk") did not exist in the Bronze or Iron Ages. Instead, historians look at linguistic roots, geographic continuity, and cultural practices to trace the lineage of the Kurdish people. The mountains of Eastern and Southeastern Anatolia were home to a succession of fierce, independent kingdoms and confederations that fiercely guarded their highlands against the great empires of Mesopotamia, Greece, and Rome.
The Early Mountain Dwellers: Hurrians and Urartu
Long before Iranian-speaking tribes migrated into the region, the mountains of Northern Kurdistan were inhabited by indigenous highland peoples.
The Hurrians and Mitanni (c. 2000 BCE – 1300 BCE): The Hurrians were a widespread ancient people who established the powerful Mitanni Empire, which encompassed parts of modern-day Southeastern Turkey (around Diyarbakır and Urfa). While the Hurrian language is extinct and not directly related to modern Kurdish, linguists note that Hurrian substrate influences likely shaped the development of the Kurdish language, particularly its ergative grammar structure.
The Kingdom of Urartu (c. 860 BCE – 590 BCE): Following the decline of the Mitanni, the Kingdom of Urartu rose to power. Centered around Lake Van (known then as Tushpa), the Urartians were master builders and metalworkers who carved massive fortresses into the volcanic rock of Eastern Anatolia. They spent centuries locked in a bitter rivalry with the Neo-Assyrian Empire to the south. The Urartians adapted perfectly to the harsh, high-altitude winters of the region—a survival trait passed down through the millennia to the region's current inhabitants.
The Median Empire and the Spark of Kurdish Identity
If there is one ancient civilization that modern Kurds view as their direct cultural and political ancestors, it is the Medes.
The Rise of the Medes (c. 678 BCE – 549 BCE): The Medes were an Indo-Iranian people who formed a massive empire stretching from central Iran into central Anatolia, absorbing the territory of Urartu. They spoke a Northwestern Iranian language, the same linguistic branch to which modern Kurmanji and Zazaki belong.
The Fall of Nineveh (612 BCE): The Medes famously allied with the Babylonians to overthrow the brutal Neo-Assyrian Empire, destroying their capital, Nineveh. This victory is deeply embedded in Kurdish historical memory.
The Myth of Newroz: The transition from Assyrian to Median rule is deeply intertwined with Kurdish mythology, specifically the legend of Newroz (the Kurdish New Year, celebrated on March 21st). According to folklore, a cruel Assyrian king named Dehak (or Zahak) required the daily sacrifice of local youth. A Kurdish blacksmith named Kawa led a rebellion, striking down the tyrant and lighting fires on the mountain peaks to signal freedom. Today, the fires of Newroz remain the ultimate symbol of Kurdish resistance and cultural pride across Northern Kurdistan.
Xenophon and the Fierce Carduchi (401 BCE)
One of the most famous written accounts of the ancient inhabitants of Northern Kurdistan comes from the Greek historian and mercenary commander Xenophon in his epic text, the Anabasis (The March of the Ten Thousand).
The Encounter: After a failed campaign deep in the Persian Empire, Xenophon and his 10,000 Greek mercenaries had to retreat north toward the Black Sea. Their route forced them directly through the treacherous mountains north of the Tigris River—modern-day Şırnak, Hakkari, and Siirt provinces.
The Mountain Warriors: Here, they encountered a fiercely independent, mountain-dwelling people Xenophon called the Kardouchoi (Carduchi). Xenophon noted that the Carduchi were not subjects of the Persian King; they ruled their own highlands.
Guerrilla Tactics: The Greeks suffered heavily at the hands of the Carduchi, who used the mountainous terrain to their advantage, employing hit-and-run tactics, rolling boulders down narrow passes, and firing massive, armor-piercing arrows. Many modern historians and linguists draw a direct evolutionary line between the name "Carduchi" and the word "Kurd," noting that their geographic homeland and guerrilla fighting style remarkably mirror the modern realities of the region.
Corduene: The Buffer Kingdom of Antiquity
As the classical era progressed and the Greek Hellenistic empires faded, the region consolidated into a semi-independent vassal state known as Corduene (or Gordyene).
Located precisely in the heart of Northern Kurdistan (stretching from modern Diyarbakır to the Bohtan region and Hakkari), Corduene found itself caught in a centuries-long tug-of-war between two global superpowers: the Roman Empire to the west and the Parthian (later Sassanid) Empire to the east.
Shifting Alliances: The rulers of Corduene were pragmatic, shifting their allegiances to whichever empire offered them the most autonomy. In 69 BCE, the King of Corduene, Zarbienus, secretly allied with the Roman general Lucullus against the encroaching Armenian King Tigranes the Great.
Cultural Hub: Corduene was known for its distinct culture, its skilled architects, and its agricultural wealth despite the rocky terrain. It remained a distinct political entity, functioning as a vital buffer zone until it was fully absorbed by the Sassanid Persians and later the Byzantine Empire in late antiquity.
Summary of Ancient Northern Kurdistan
Time Period | Key Power / Entity | Geographic Center (Modern Equivalents) | Historical Significance to Kurds |
c. 860 – 590 BCE | Kingdom of Urartu | Lake Van, Ağrı, Erzurum | Indigenous mountain adaptation, massive fortifications. |
c. 678 – 549 BCE | Median Empire | Spanning across Eastern Anatolia | Linguistic roots (Northwestern Iranian); origin of the Newroz myth. |
401 BCE | The Carduchi | Şırnak, Siirt, Hakkari mountains | First major historical record of independent, mountain-dwelling guerrilla fighters in the region. |
1st C. BCE – 5th C. CE | Kingdom of Corduene | Diyarbakır to the Bohtan Valley | Established the region as a strategic, semi-autonomous buffer zone between East and West. |
3: The Islamic Conquests and Medieval Dynasties (7th – 15th Centuries)
Following the exhaustion of the Byzantine and Sassanid (Persian) empires after decades of ruinous warfare, a new, unified force emerged from the Arabian Peninsula in the 7th century: the armies of Islam. The arrival of the Arab conquests in the mountains of Northern Kurdistan fundamentally transformed the region's cultural, religious, and political destiny.
The Arrival of Islam and the Arab Conquests (c. 640 CE)
Before the arrival of Islam, the Kurdish tribes of the region practiced a diverse mix of religions, including Zoroastrianism, local pagan cults, Judaism, and various sects of early Christianity (particularly in regions bordering Armenian and Syriac populations).
The Fall of Amed (639-640 CE): The Arab Muslim armies, commanded by Iyad ibn Ghanm, reached the formidable black basalt walls of Amed (modern-day Diyarbakır) in 639 CE. After a brief siege, the city surrendered, marking the definitive entry of Islamic rule into Northern Kurdistan.
Conversion and Integration: Unlike the rapid, forced conversions seen in other parts of the world, the Islamization of the Kurdish mountain tribes was a gradual process that took centuries. By adopting Sunni Islam (predominantly the Shafi'i school of jurisprudence, which most Kurds follow today), the Kurds integrated themselves into the broader political, economic, and intellectual networks of the vast Islamic Caliphate.
The Term "Kurd": It was during the early Islamic period that Arab geographers and historians began using the term Akrad (the Arabic plural for Kurd) with increasing frequency. Initially used to describe various Iranian-speaking, pastoralist mountain nomads, the term gradually solidified to describe the distinct ethno-linguistic group we recognize today.
The Marwanid Dynasty: The Golden Age of Bakur (990–1085 CE)
As the central authority of the Abbasid Caliphate in Baghdad began to decay in the 10th century, local leaders across the Middle East carved out their own independent emirates. In Northern Kurdistan, this power vacuum gave rise to the Marwanid Dynasty, arguably the most significant and prosperous Kurdish state in medieval history.
Rise to Power: The dynasty was founded by a Kurdish shepherd-turned-chieftain named Badh ibn Dustak. Through brilliant military maneuvering, he captured the strategic cities of Mayyafariqin (modern-day Silvan), Amed (Diyarbakır), and Nusaybin.
Mayyafariqin—The Capital of Culture: Under the Marwanid emirs, particularly the long and peaceful reign of Nasr al-Dawla Ahmad (1011–1061), the capital city of Mayyafariqin became a shining beacon of culture, commerce, and tolerance in the Middle East. Nasr al-Dawla was a master diplomat who successfully navigated the threats of the Byzantine Empire to the west and various Turkic and Arab warlords to the south.
Architectural and Cultural Marvels: The Marwanids poured their immense wealth into public works. They restored the ancient walls of Diyarbakır and commissioned the famous Ten Arches Bridge (Pira Dehderî / Dicle Bridge) over the Tigris River, which still stands today. The Marwanid courts were famous for their religious tolerance, employing Christian and Jewish viziers, and serving as a haven for poets, scientists, and Islamic scholars.
The Fall: The Marwanid golden age was eventually extinguished in 1085 CE when the expanding Seljuk Turkish Empire swept through Anatolia, absorbing the Kurdish emirate into their vast domain.
The Ayyubid Legacy in Northern Kurdistan (12th – 14th Centuries)
While the famous Kurdish leader Saladin (Selahaddînê Eyûbî) is globally renowned for founding the Ayyubid Empire, recapturing Jerusalem from the Crusaders, and ruling from Egypt and Syria, his familial and tribal roots were deeply tied to the northern Kurdish highlands.
The Ayyubid Principalities: Even after Saladin's death and the eventual fragmentation of his empire, localized branches of the Ayyubid dynasty continued to rule vital pockets of Northern Kurdistan.
Hasankeyf (Heskîf): The most famous of these Ayyubid remnants was centered in the breathtaking gorge city of Hasankeyf on the Tigris River (in modern-day Batman province). The Ayyubid emirs of Hasankeyf ruled for centuries, building magnificent mosques, cliffside palaces, and intricate water systems. (Tragically, as mentioned in Part 1, the Turkish government's Ilısu Dam project recently flooded this priceless medieval Kurdish capital).
The Mongol Invasions and the Turkmen Confederations (13th – 15th Centuries)
The late medieval period brought unimaginable destruction to the Middle East, and Northern Kurdistan did not escape the wrath of the Mongol hordes.
The Mongol Devastation (c. mid-1200s): The invasions of Hulagu Khan devastated the urban centers of Anatolia and Mesopotamia. Cities like Diyarbakır and Erzurum were sacked, and the agricultural plains were laid waste. However, the geography of Northern Kurdistan once again saved the Kurdish people. While the urban centers burned, the Kurdish tribes retreated high into the inaccessible peaks of the Taurus and Zagros ranges, largely escaping the Mongol cavalry.
Aq Qoyunlu and Kara Qoyunlu: As the Mongol empire fractured, two rival Oghuz Turkic tribal confederations rose to power in the region: the Kara Qoyunlu (Black Sheep Turkmens) and the Aq Qoyunlu (White Sheep Turkmens).
The Shifting Center of Power: The great Turkmen leader Uzun Hasan made Diyarbakır the capital of his massive Aq Qoyunlu empire in the 15th century. During this era, Kurdish tribal chiefs (Mirs) engaged in a precarious balancing act, sometimes warring with these Turkmen overlords and sometimes intermarrying and forming strategic alliances with them to preserve their local autonomy in the mountains.
Summary of the Medieval Era in Northern Kurdistan
Dynasty / Power | Era | Capital / Regional Focus | Historical Significance to Kurds |
Early Islamic Caliphates | 7th – 9th Centuries | Amed (Diyarbakır) conquered 639 CE | Conversion to Sunni Islam; integration into the broader Middle Eastern intellectual sphere. |
Marwanid Dynasty | 990 – 1085 CE | Mayyafariqin (Silvan) & Amed | The pinnacle of medieval Kurdish statecraft, architecture, and religious tolerance. |
Ayyubid Principalities | 12th – 15th Centuries | Hasankeyf (Heskîf) & Akhlat | A lasting Kurdish architectural and political legacy tied to the lineage of Saladin. |
Turkmen Confederations | 14th – 15th Centuries | Diyarbakır | Pushed Kurdish tribes to consolidate power in the highlands, setting the stage for the autonomous Emirates of the Ottoman era. |
4: The Ottoman Era and Kurdish Emirates (16th – 19th Centuries)
The 16th century brought a geopolitical earthquake to the Middle East. Northern Kurdistan found itself squarely on the fault line between two massive, expanding superpowers: the Sunni Ottoman Empire to the west and the newly established, Shia Safavid Empire of Iran to the east. The decisions made by Kurdish leaders during this era defined the borders and political reality of Bakur for the next 400 years.
The Safavid Threat and the Battle of Chaldiran (1514)
In the early 1500s, Shah Ismail I founded the Safavid Empire in Iran and declared Twelver Shia Islam as the state religion. As Safavid armies pushed westward into Eastern Anatolia, they sought to impose their authority and religion on the predominantly Sunni Kurdish tribes of the region.
Kurdish Resistance: The Safavids imprisoned several prominent Kurdish tribal leaders (Mirs) and attempted to replace them with loyalist governors. This alienated the Kurdish population, sparking fierce resistance.
The Clash of Empires: In 1514, the Ottoman Sultan Selim I (Selim the Resolute) marched his massive army east to confront the Safavids. The two empires met at the Battle of Chaldiran (in the modern-day Van/Ağrı region).
The Kurdish Alliance: Seeing an opportunity to rid themselves of Safavid domination, the Sunni Kurdish tribes allied with the Ottomans. The Ottoman artillery decimated the Safavid cavalry, securing a decisive victory and permanently bringing Northern Kurdistan into the Ottoman sphere of influence.
The Genius of Idris-i Bitlisi (The Architect of Autonomy)
The integration of Northern Kurdistan into the Ottoman Empire was not achieved by force, but by master-class diplomacy. Sultan Selim I tasked a brilliant Kurdish scholar and statesman, Idris-i Bitlisi (Idris of Bitlis), with organizing the eastern frontier.
The Pact of 1515: Bitlisi negotiated a historic treaty between the Ottoman Sultan and 25 major Kurdish Mirs.
The Terms: The agreement was extraordinarily favorable to the Kurds. In exchange for recognizing the Ottoman Sultan as the Caliph, reading his name in Friday prayers, and providing armed cavalry during major military campaigns, the Kurdish Mirs were granted broad autonomy.
Hereditary Rule: Unlike other Ottoman provinces where governors were appointed by Istanbul and frequently rotated, the Kurdish emirates were granted hereditary rule. Leadership passed from father to son without Ottoman interference. They paid minimal, if any, taxes to the central treasury. They functioned essentially as semi-independent kingdoms shielding the empire's eastern flank.
The Golden Age of the Kurdish Emirates (Mîrektî)
For the next three centuries, Northern Kurdistan was governed by these powerful, autonomous Kurdish emirates (known as Mîrektî). This era allowed Kurdish culture, literature, and political identity to flourish. The most prominent emirates included:
The Emirate of Botan (Bohtan): Centered in Cizre (modern Şırnak province), Botan was arguably the most powerful and culturally significant emirate. It was here in the 17th century that the great Kurdish poet Ahmad Khani (Ehmedê Xanî) wrote his masterpiece, Mem û Zîn. This epic poem is heavily regarded as the first foundational text of Kurdish nationalism, as Khani openly lamented the division of the Kurds between the Ottomans and Safavids and called for a unified Kurdish king.
The Emirate of Bitlis: A center of immense scholarship and history. In 1597, the ruler of Bitlis, Sharafkhan Bidlisi, wrote the Sharafnama (The Book of Honor). Written in Persian, it is the first comprehensive, written history of the Kurdish people and their ruling dynasties, serving as a vital primary source for modern historians.
The Emirate of Hakkari: Guarding the most impenetrable, mountainous terrain bordering Iran, the Mirs of Hakkari maintained near-total independence, governing a complex, multi-religious society of Kurdish tribes and Assyrian Christians.
The 19th Century: Centralization and the Fall of the Mirs
The 19th century spelled the doom of Kurdish autonomy. The Ottoman Empire, rapidly losing territory in the Balkans and facing severe financial crises, initiated the Tanzimat (Reorganization) reforms in 1839. The state sought to modernize, centralize power, implement direct taxation, and enforce military conscription across all its provinces.
The autonomous Kurdish emirates were viewed as a relic of the past and a threat to central Ottoman authority.
The Uprising of Bedir Khan Beg (1847): The Mir of Botan, Bedir Khan Beg, was the last great autonomous Kurdish ruler. Refusing to submit to Ottoman centralization, he declared independence, struck his own coins, and had Friday prayers read in his own name. In 1847, the Ottomans dispatched a massive modern army to crush the rebellion. Bedir Khan was defeated and exiled, marking the definitive end of the autonomous Kurdish emirates in Northern Kurdistan.
The Power Vacuum: The destruction of the secular, aristocratic Mirs created a disastrous power vacuum. Without the Mirs to settle tribal disputes and maintain order, Northern Kurdistan descended into decades of inter-tribal warfare and instability.
The Rise of the Sheikhs and the Hamidiye Cavalry
As the traditional political structure collapsed, a new type of leader stepped into the void: the religious Sheikhs.
The Naqshbandi Order: Leaders of Sufi religious orders (particularly the Naqshbandi tariqa) became the new ultimate authorities in Kurdish society. Because they were seen as holy men and stood outside the traditional tribal rivalry system, they were trusted to mediate land disputes and unify the tribes. This explains why almost all major Kurdish rebellions in the late 19th and early 20th centuries were led by religious figures (such as Sheikh Ubaydullah of Nehri in 1880).
The Hamidiye Cavalry (1891): In an attempt to re-assert control over the restless region and counter the growing threat of the Russian Empire and Armenian nationalist movements, Sultan Abdulhamid II created the Hamidiye Alaylari (Hamidiye Cavalry). Modeled after the Russian Cossacks, the state armed specific Sunni Kurdish tribes to act as irregular state militias. This policy intentionally pitted Kurdish tribes against one another (those favored by the state versus those left out) and severely escalated ethnic tensions between Kurds and Armenians, laying the groundwork for the tragic violence of World War I.
Summary of the Ottoman Era
Key Event / Entity | Date / Era | Historical Significance to Northern Kurdistan |
Battle of Chaldiran | 1514 | Kurds ally with Ottomans, securing the region from Safavid control. |
Idris-i Bitlisi's Pact | 1515 | Established 300 years of hereditary, autonomous Kurdish rule within the Empire. |
Sharafnama Written | 1597 | First comprehensive written history of the Kurdish people (in Bitlis). |
Fall of Bedir Khan Beg | 1847 | The defeat of Botan ends the era of the autonomous Kurdish Emirates. |
Hamidiye Cavalry | 1891 | State-sponsored Kurdish militias created; deepened tribal divisions and ethnic tensions. |
5: World War I and the Treaties of Division (1914–1923)
The dawn of the 20th century brought the catastrophic collapse of the Ottoman Empire. For Northern Kurdistan, this era was defined by unprecedented devastation, shifting alliances, and a geopolitical betrayal that remains the root cause of the modern Kurdish conflict in Turkey today.
The Devastation of the Great War (1914–1918)
When the Ottoman Empire entered World War I on the side of the Central Powers, Eastern Anatolia (Northern Kurdistan) became a brutal primary front against the Russian Empire.
A Ruined Homeland: The Russian army, aided by Armenian volunteer units, pushed deep into Kurdish-populated territories, capturing major cities like Erzurum, Van, and Bitlis. The warfare, combined with severe winter famines and disease, decimated the region. Hundreds of thousands of Kurdish civilians were displaced, becoming refugees (muhacir) fleeing westward to escape the advancing Russian forces.
The Armenian Genocide (1915): This era is also marked by the tragic and systematic extermination of the Armenian population by the Ottoman state (the Committee of Union and Progress). The state utilized the previously established Hamidiye Cavalry (Kurdish tribal militias) to carry out massacres and death marches. While some Kurdish tribal leaders protected their Armenian neighbors, many participated in the violence, driven by state orders, religious rhetoric, and the promise of claiming Armenian land and wealth. The demographic erasure of Armenians fundamentally altered the region's makeup.
Post-War Awakening: The Rise of Kurdish Nationalism
By the time the Armistice of Mudros was signed in 1918, the Ottoman Empire was defeated and occupied by Allied forces. In this chaotic vacuum, a modern, secular Kurdish nationalist movement began to crystallize.
The Influence of Woodrow Wilson: US President Woodrow Wilson’s "Fourteen Points" famously championed the right of self-determination for the non-Turkish nationalities of the Ottoman Empire. This inspired Kurdish intellectuals and aristocrats living in Istanbul.
Kürdistan Teali Cemiyeti (1918): Prominent Kurdish figures formed the "Society for the Elevation of Kurdistan." They published magazines, established schools, and heavily lobbied British and French diplomats for an independent Kurdish state, shifting the Kurdish political focus from traditional tribal loyalty to modern nationalism.
The Promise: The Treaty of Sèvres (1920)
In August 1920, the victorious Allied powers (Britain, France, Italy) forced the crippled Ottoman government to sign the Treaty of Sèvres, which severely partitioned the empire. For the first time in history, international law explicitly recognized the right to a Kurdish state.
Articles 62, 63, and 64: Section III of the treaty was entirely dedicated to "Kurdistan." It mandated the creation of an autonomous Kurdish region in southeastern Anatolia.
The Path to Independence: Crucially, Article 64 stated that within one year, if the Kurdish population demonstrated a desire for full independence, and if the League of Nations deemed them capable of it, Turkey would be required to renounce all rights to the territory, paving the way for a sovereign Kurdish nation.
Mustafa Kemal and the Turkish National Movement
The Treaty of Sèvres sparked outrage among Turkish military officers. General Mustafa Kemal (later known as Atatürk) launched the Turkish War of Independence from the interior of Anatolia, refusing to accept the partition of the country. To succeed, he desperately needed the support of the Kurdish tribes.
The Islamic Brotherhood Appeal: Mustafa Kemal masterfully appealed to the Kurdish Mirs, Sheikhs, and tribal chiefs not through Turkish nationalism, but through religious solidarity. He argued that Turks and Kurds were Muslim brothers who needed to unite to save the Caliphate from Western Christian occupiers.
The Armenian Threat: Sèvres had also promised a massive independent Armenian state stretching deep into Eastern Anatolia. Kemal warned the Kurdish leaders that if Sèvres was implemented, the lands they currently held would be given to returning Armenians.
The Kurdish Alliance: Convinced by the threat of losing their land and driven by religious loyalty, the vast majority of Kurdish tribes allied with Mustafa Kemal. Kurdish forces fought fiercely alongside Turkish forces to expel the French from the south and the Greeks from the west.
The Betrayal: The Treaty of Lausanne (1923)
Mustafa Kemal's stunning military victories forced the Allied powers back to the negotiating table. The Treaty of Sèvres was torn up and replaced by the Treaty of Lausanne in July 1923, a devastating blow to Kurdish aspirations.
The Erasure of Kurdistan: The Treaty of Lausanne officially established the borders of the modern Republic of Turkey. Crucially, it completely omitted any mention of Kurds or Kurdistan.
Minority Status Denied: The treaty guaranteed linguistic and cultural rights to "non-Muslim minorities" (like Greeks, Armenians, and Jews). However, the Turkish delegation successfully argued that Kurds and Turks were equal Muslim partners who had fought together to build the new state. Therefore, Kurds were not granted minority protections under international law.
The Great Division: Lausanne permanently solidified the borders that exist today. The Kurdish homeland was sliced into four pieces: Turkey to the north, the French Mandate of Syria to the southwest, the British Mandate of Iraq to the south, and Iran to the east. For the Kurds of Northern Kurdistan, the promised independence had vanished overnight, replaced by an aggressively assimilationist new republic.
Summary of the Treaty Era
Treaty / Event | Date | Impact on Northern Kurdistan |
World War I | 1914–1918 | Massive displacement, famine, and the destruction of the region's Armenian population. |
Treaty of Sèvres | 1920 | International law officially outlines a path to an independent Kurdish state in Eastern Anatolia. |
Turkish War of Independence | 1919–1923 | Kurds ally with Turkish forces to defend the "Muslim homeland" against foreign occupation and Armenian claims. |
Treaty of Lausanne | 1923 | Nullifies Sèvres, establishes modern Turkish borders, completely ignores Kurdish rights, and divides Kurdistan across four modern states. |
6: The Early Turkish Republic and Kurdish Rebellions (1923–1938)
When the Republic of Turkey was officially declared on October 29, 1923, the Kurds of Northern Kurdistan quickly realized that the promises of "Islamic brotherhood" and joint Turkish-Kurdish governance made during the War of Independence were discarded. The new state, led by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, was founded on the strict principle of a unified, indivisible Turkish national identity.
The Policies of Denial and Assimilation
The 1924 Turkish Constitution marked a radical departure from the multi-ethnic reality of Anatolia. Article 88 declared that all inhabitants of Turkey were "Turks," regardless of their actual religion or race.
"Mountain Turks": The very existence of the Kurdish people was officially denied. State ideology propagated the pseudoscientific claim that Kurds were actually "Mountain Turks" who had simply forgotten their original language due to their isolation in the rugged eastern terrain.
Cultural Erasure: The Kurdish language was strictly banned in all public spaces, schools, and courts. Kurdish schools, associations, and publications established during the post-WWI era were shut down. Traditional Kurdish clothing was outlawed, and thousands of Kurdish villages, towns, and geographical landmarks had their ancient names erased and replaced with Turkish equivalents.
Abolition of the Caliphate (1924): In March 1924, Atatürk abolished the Islamic Caliphate and dismantled religious schools (medreses). For many traditional Kurdish leaders, the Caliphate was the last remaining institutional bond tying Turks and Kurds together. Its removal shattered that bond.
These aggressive policies of secularization, centralization, and forced assimilation triggered a wave of resistance across Northern Kurdistan.
The Sheikh Said Rebellion (1925)
The first massive uprising against the new republic was a potent mix of Kurdish nationalism and religious conservatism. It was organized primarily by Azadi (Freedom), a clandestine Kurdish military and political organization, but was led by Sheikh Said of Palu, a highly revered Zaza-Kurdish Naqshbandi spiritual leader.
The Spark: In February 1925, an armed clash between state gendarmerie and Sheikh Said's men in the province of Piran ignited the rebellion prematurely.
The Rapid Advance: Thousands of Kurdish tribesmen rallied to Sheikh Said's call to restore religion and defend Kurdish identity. The rebel forces quickly captured the cities of Genç, Çapakçur (Bingöl), and Elazığ, eventually laying a massive siege to the heavily fortified, historic city of Diyarbakır.
The Crushing Defeat: The Turkish government reacted with overwhelming force. They passed the draconian Takrir-i Sükûn (Maintenance of Order) Law, completely silencing the national press and mobilizing the army. Utilizing trains to rapidly deploy tens of thousands of soldiers, and utilizing their nascent air force, the state broke the siege of Diyarbakır.
The Aftermath: By mid-April, Sheikh Said and dozens of other rebel leaders were captured. Following a swift show trial by the newly established "Independence Tribunals" (İstiklal Mahkemeleri), Sheikh Said and 47 of his followers were publicly hanged in Diyarbakır. The state subsequently exiled thousands of Kurdish families to western Turkey to break the demographic concentration in the east.
The Republic of Ararat (1927–1930)
While the Sheikh Said rebellion had strong religious undertones, the next major uprising was distinctly modern, secular, and nationalist.
In 1927, Kurdish intellectuals and exiled military officers gathered in Lebanon to form Xoybûn (Khoybun), a sophisticated nationalist organization. Xoybûn aimed to establish an independent Kurdish state and appointed Ihsan Nuri Pasha, a former Ottoman-Kurdish military officer, as their general.
The Declaration of Independence: Ihsan Nuri Pasha crossed into the highly defensible, rugged terrain of Mount Ararat (Agirî) in the extreme east of Northern Kurdistan. There, Xoybûn officially declared the independent "Republic of Ararat." They established a functioning administration, formed a disciplined modern army (moving away from traditional tribal warfare), hoisted the Kurdish flag, and even published a newspaper.
The Military Campaign: The Turkish state could not tolerate an independent enclave within its borders. Between 1927 and 1930, they launched several massive military offensives. The Kurds, utilizing the treacherous volcanic terrain of Mount Ararat, repelled the initial attacks.
The Fall: The turning point came when Turkey negotiated a land swap with Iran to surround the mountain completely, cutting off the rebels' supply lines. In the summer of 1930, utilizing heavy artillery and constant aerial bombardment, the Turkish army overran the Kurdish positions. The rebellion was brutally suppressed, and the area was placed under strict military control.
The Dersim Rebellion and Massacre (1937–1938)
The final, and arguably most devastating, chapter of the early republican rebellions took place in Dersim (modern-day Tunceli province). Dersim was unique: it was heavily forested, intensely mountainous, and populated primarily by Zaza-speaking Alevi Kurds. Due to its geography, Dersim had maintained near-total autonomy for centuries, fiercely resisting central authority.
The Tunceli Law (1935): The Turkish government viewed Dersim as a "boil" that needed to be lanced. They passed laws placing the region under direct military administration, building new roads and barracks to penetrate the mountains, and explicitly aiming to disarm the local tribes.
Seyid Riza's Resistance: Local tribal leaders, led by the elderly and deeply respected Alevi spiritual leader Seyid Riza, protested the military incursions and the heavy-handed assimilation policies. Tensions boiled over into localized armed skirmishes in 1937.
The Massacre: The state's response was unparalleled in its ferocity. The Turkish military launched a comprehensive campaign to entirely subdue the province. When tribes retreated into deep mountain caves, the military sealed them in or used poison gas. The Turkish Air Force, notably featuring Sabiha Gökçen (Atatürk's adopted daughter and the world's first female combat pilot), heavily bombed Kurdish villages.
The Tragic Outcome: Seyid Riza was tricked into surrendering under the pretense of peace talks and was hastily hanged in Elazığ in late 1937. The military operations continued into 1938. Independent historians estimate that between 13,000 and 40,000 Kurdish civilians were killed. Thousands more were forcibly deported and scattered across western Turkey. The name "Dersim" was erased, and the province was officially renamed "Tunceli" (Bronze Hand) to signify the iron fist of the state.
Summary of the Early Republican Era
Uprising / Event | Date | Key Figure | Outcome / State Response |
Sheikh Said Rebellion | 1925 | Sheikh Said of Palu | Crushed by military; leaders hanged via Independence Tribunals; harsh assimilation laws enacted. |
Republic of Ararat | 1927–1930 | Ihsan Nuri Pasha (Xoybûn) | First modern declaration of a Kurdish state; defeated after Turkey encircled the mountain with Iranian cooperation. |
Dersim Rebellion | 1937–1938 | Seyid Riza | Massive state military campaign resulting in the deaths of tens of thousands of Alevi-Kurdish civilians and forced deportations. |
7: The Rise of the PKK and the Armed Conflict (1970s–1990s)
Following the brutal suppression of the Dersim rebellion in 1938, Northern Kurdistan entered what Kurdish historians often call the "Years of Silence." For nearly three decades, the region was subjected to strict martial law. The traditional Kurdish leadership—the Mirs, the Sheikhs, and the Aghas—had been exiled, executed, or co-opted by the state. The assimilation policies intensified, and Kurdish political expression was entirely driven underground. However, this silence would not last.
The 1970s: The Leftist Awakening
By the late 1960s and 1970s, a new generation of Kurdish youth began migrating to western Turkish cities like Ankara and Istanbul for university education.
The Turkish Left: Initially, politically active Kurdish students joined mainstream Turkish left-wing and Marxist organizations. They believed that a socialist revolution in Turkey would naturally solve the "Kurdish Question" by eliminating class oppression and ethnic discrimination.
The Split: As the 1970s progressed, Kurdish leftists grew heavily disillusioned. They realized that even their Turkish socialist comrades frequently ignored Kurdish cultural rights or viewed the Kurdish struggle as secondary to the broader Turkish working-class movement.
Independent Kurdish Organizations: This realization led to the formation of independent, pro-Kurdish socialist groups, most notably the Revolutionary Eastern Cultural Hearths (DDKO). These groups began to argue that Northern Kurdistan was effectively an "internal colony" of the Turkish state and required its own distinct liberation movement.
The Founding of the PKK (1978)
Out of this fractured, highly polarized leftist environment emerged a group initially known as the "Apocular" (Followers of Apo), led by a charismatic political science student named Abdullah Öcalan.
The Congress at Fis: On November 27, 1978, in the small rural village of Fis (near Diyarbakır), Öcalan and a small group of followers held a foundational congress. They officially established the Partiya Karkerên Kurdistanê (PKK)—the Kurdistan Workers' Party.
Ideology: Unlike the religious or tribal rebellions of the 1920s, the PKK was strictly secular, Marxist-Leninist, and fiercely anti-feudal. Their stated goal was to wage a "people's war" to liberate Kurdistan from both the Turkish state (which they viewed as colonial oppressors) and the traditional Kurdish tribal landlords (whom they viewed as state collaborators).
The 1980 Military Coup and Diyarbakır Prison No. 5
Before the PKK could launch a widespread campaign, the Turkish military staged a brutal coup d'état on September 12, 1980, to crush the raging street violence between left-wing and right-wing factions across the country.
The Crackdown: The military junta banned all political parties, suspended the constitution, and arrested hundreds of thousands of people. For the Kurds, the coup meant an absolute ban on even speaking the Kurdish language in private, let alone public life.
The Crucible of Radicalization: Thousands of Kurdish activists, students, and suspected PKK sympathizers were thrown into the notorious Diyarbakır Prison No. 5. Under the administration of sadistic prison wardens, inmates were subjected to unimaginable, systematic torture, forced to memorize Turkish nationalist anthems, and stripped of all human dignity.
The Blowback: Instead of breaking the Kurdish movement, Diyarbakır Prison became an incubator for radicalization. Inmates staged hunger strikes and protests, and many who eventually survived and were released immediately fled to the mountains to join the PKK, transforming it from a small ideological group into a mass militant organization.
The Armed Struggle Begins (1984)
Having retreated to training camps in the Bekaa Valley (in Syrian-controlled Lebanon) during the 1980 coup, the PKK leadership prepared for a protracted guerrilla war.
August 15, 1984: The PKK officially launched its armed struggle by simultaneously attacking gendarmerie outposts in the towns of Eruh (Siirt province) and Şemdinli (Hakkari province).
Guerrilla Tactics: Utilizing the impenetrable mountains of the Zagros and Taurus ranges, the PKK employed classic hit-and-run guerrilla tactics. They would strike military convoys or outposts and melt back into the rugged terrain or across the porous borders into Iraq and Syria.
The 1990s: OHAL and the "Dirty War"
The 1990s marked the absolute bloodiest decade of the conflict, resulting in the deaths of over 40,000 people (including combatants on both sides and thousands of civilians). The Turkish state realized that conventional military tactics were failing against the guerrillas and shifted to a brutal counter-insurgency strategy.
State of Emergency (OHAL): In 1987, the government declared a State of Emergency over a vast portion of Northern Kurdistan, ruled by an appointed "Super Governor" with sweeping, extrajudicial powers.
The Village Guard System (Korucu): To sever the PKK's logistical and civilian support network in rural areas, the state created the Village Guard system. They armed loyalist Kurdish tribes and peasants, paying them to fight the PKK. This essentially triggered a localized civil war among Kurds.
Village Evacuations: If a Kurdish village refused to join the Village Guard system, the state often deemed them PKK sympathizers. Throughout the 1990s, the Turkish military systematically forcibly evacuated and burned an estimated 3,000 to 4,000 Kurdish villages. This scorched-earth tactic displaced up to 3 million Kurds, forcing them into the impoverished slums of Diyarbakır, Istanbul, and cities across Europe.
JİTEM and the "White Toros": This era was also defined by severe human rights abuses, including thousands of "unsolved murders" and forced disappearances of Kurdish politicians, journalists, and businessmen. These were widely attributed to a clandestine state intelligence apparatus known as JİTEM and state-aligned paramilitaries (like Kurdish Hezbollah, a radical Islamist group entirely separate from the Lebanese group). The sight of a white Renault Toros—the preferred unmarked vehicle of state death squads—became a symbol of absolute terror in the region.
1999: The Capture of Abdullah Öcalan
By the late 1990s, the Turkish military, utilizing superior numbers, advanced weaponry, and intelligence support from Western allies, had severely degraded the PKK's military capabilities inside Turkey.
The International Hunt: In 1998, Turkey threatened to invade Syria if it did not expel Abdullah Öcalan. Forced to leave Damascus, Öcalan embarked on a frantic odyssey across Europe seeking political asylum, but was repeatedly turned away.
Capture in Kenya: On February 15, 1999, Öcalan was captured by Turkish intelligence agents in Nairobi, Kenya, in a joint operation heavily aided by the CIA and other international intelligence agencies.
The İmralı Era and Ideological Shift: Öcalan was sentenced to death (later commuted to life imprisonment when Turkey abolished the death penalty) and placed in solitary confinement on the island prison of İmralı. From his cell, Öcalan initiated a unilateral ceasefire and drastically shifted the PKK's ideology. He abandoned the demand for an independent Marxist-Leninist state, instead proposing "Democratic Confederalism"—a model of grassroots, decentralized, ecological democracy and women's liberation, advocating for Kurdish autonomy within the existing borders of Turkey.
Summary of the PKK and Armed Conflict Era
Event | Date | Key Development |
PKK Founded | 1978 | Marxist-Leninist student movement forms in Fis, seeking a socialist, independent Kurdistan. |
1980 Military Coup | 1980 | Severe crackdown on Kurdish identity; horrific torture in Diyarbakır Prison radicalizes a generation. |
Armed Struggle Begins | 1984 | PKK attacks Eruh and Şemdinli, initiating the decades-long guerrilla war. |
The "Dirty War" | 1990s | OHAL established; thousands of villages burned, millions displaced; extrajudicial killings peak. |
Öcalan Captured | 1999 | PKK leader captured; movement shifts ideology from separatism to "Democratic Confederalism." |
8: The 21st Century and the Peace Processes (2000–2026)
As the year 2000 dawned, Northern Kurdistan was exhausted. The capture of Abdullah Öcalan in 1999 and the PKK’s subsequent unilateral ceasefire shifted the dynamics of the Kurdish struggle. The early 21st century saw a massive pivot from the rural, armed insurgency toward a vibrant, albeit heavily restricted, legal political movement in the urban centers.
The Alphabet Soup of Pro-Kurdish Parties
Because the Turkish Constitution heavily restricts political parties from organizing around ethnic identities or challenging the "indivisible unity" of the state, pro-Kurdish political parties have faced a continuous cycle of state closures.
The Cycle of Closures: Whenever a pro-Kurdish party gained traction, the Constitutional Court would ban it for alleged ties to the PKK, forcing politicians to regroup under a new name. This created an "alphabet soup" of parties over the decades: HEP, DEP, HADEP, DEHAP, DTP, BDP, HDP, and today's DEM Party.
The 10% Threshold: To keep Kurdish representation out of the national parliament, the Turkish state historically enforced a staggering 10% national electoral threshold. For years, Kurdish politicians bypassed this by running as "independents."
The Rise of the HDP (2015): The strategy culminated in June 2015 when the Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP), led by the charismatic Selahattin Demirtaş, officially surpassed the 10% threshold. By uniting Kurdish voters with Turkish leftists, feminists, and minority groups, the HDP secured 80 seats, temporarily stripping the ruling AKP of its parliamentary majority—a watershed moment in the region's history.
The "Resolution Process" (2013–2015)
Before the political upheaval of 2015, Northern Kurdistan experienced an unprecedented era of hope known as the Çözüm Süreci (Resolution Process).
Secret Talks to Public Peace: Following secret negotiations in Oslo, the Turkish government (led by Recep Tayyip Erdoğan) and the PKK engaged in direct, public peace talks starting in late 2012. State officials directly visited Öcalan in his İmralı island prison to negotiate a roadmap for disarmament and democratic reforms.
The Historic 2013 Newroz: On March 21, 2013, during the Kurdish New Year celebrations in Amed (Diyarbakır), a massive crowd of over a million people watched as Öcalan’s letter was read aloud in Kurdish and Turkish. He famously declared: "Let guns be silenced and politics speak." The PKK began withdrawing fighters across the border into Iraq.
A Breathing Room: For two and a half years, the violence largely stopped. Checkpoints were dismantled, economic investment returned to the southeast, and Kurdish cultural expression flourished in ways not seen since the fall of the Ottoman Empire.
The Collapse and the Urban Trench Warfare (2015–2016)
Tragically, the peace process collapsed in the summer of 2015. The reasons were complex, driven by domestic political calculations following the June 2015 elections and the spillover of the Syrian Civil War (particularly the Kurdish defense of Kobani against ISIS, which deeply strained relations between Kurds and the Turkish state).
The Shift to the Cities: Following the collapse of the ceasefire, the conflict did not return to the remote mountains; it moved directly into the historic urban centers of Northern Kurdistan.
Barricades and Autonomy: Frustrated Kurdish youth groups (the YPS) dug trenches, built barricades, and declared "democratic autonomy" in neighborhoods across Sur (Diyarbakır), Cizre, Şırnak, Silopi, and Nusaybin.
The Military Response: The Turkish state responded with overwhelming conventional military force, deploying tanks, heavy artillery, and 24-hour shoot-to-kill curfews that lasted for months.
The Destruction: The results were apocalyptic. Over 350,000 civilians were displaced. Historic districts, particularly the ancient, UNESCO-listed Sur district of Diyarbakır, were reduced to rubble. Human rights organizations documented hundreds of civilian deaths trapped in basements in Cizre.
The Crackdown and the Trustee Era (2016–2024)
Following the failed military coup in western Turkey in July 2016, the government declared a national State of Emergency. While the coup was not organized by Kurds, the emergency powers were heavily utilized to crush the pro-Kurdish political movement.
Jailing the Leadership: In November 2016, the state arrested the HDP Co-Chairs, Selahattin Demirtaş and Figen Yüksekdağ, along with dozens of Kurdish MPs. Demirtaş remains in a maximum-security prison to this day, despite multiple binding rulings from the European Court of Human Rights ordering his immediate release.
The Kayyum (Trustee) Policy: Perhaps the most demoralizing blow to democratic rights in Northern Kurdistan has been the state's systematic removal of elected Kurdish mayors. In the 2014, 2019, and 2024 local elections, the pro-Kurdish parties won overwhelmingly across the southeast. However, the Turkish Ministry of Interior routinely stripped these elected mayors of their positions, arrested them on terrorism charges, and replaced them with state-appointed bureaucrats known as trustees (kayyum). This effectively nullified local democracy in the region, returning administration to direct state control.
A Fragile New Hope: The 2024–2026 Peace Initiatives
Just as the region seemed locked in a permanent political freeze, an astonishing shift occurred late in the 2020s.
The Bahçeli Initiative (Late 2024): In a move that shocked the country, Devlet Bahçeli, the leader of the ultra-nationalist MHP (and the ruling AKP’s coalition partner), publicly suggested a new framework to end the decades-long conflict, indicating that if the PKK laid down its arms, legal reforms regarding Öcalan's isolation could be discussed.
Öcalan's Call for Disarmament (February 2025): Capitalizing on this narrow political opening, Abdullah Öcalan was permitted to communicate with the outside world. In February 2025, he made a historic, definitive call for the PKK to officially dissolve its armed elements within Turkey's borders, stating that the era of armed struggle had run its course and the focus must shift entirely to democratic, legal politics.
Current Dynamics (Early 2026): As of early 2026, the Turkish parliament has advanced preliminary reports and commissions to facilitate legal reforms and manage the incredibly complex logistics of disarmament. However, the atmosphere remains exceptionally tense and contradictory. While high-level peace rhetoric dominates Ankara, the state simultaneously continues to arrest Kurdish journalists and replace newly elected DEM Party mayors with trustees. For the people of Northern Kurdistan, who have lived through the collapse of the 2015 peace process, there is a deep, cautious skepticism mixed with a desperate desire for a lasting, dignified resolution.
Summary of the 21st Century
Era / Event | Date | Key Developments |
Rise of Legal Politics | 2000s | Shift from armed insurgency to parliamentary politics; cycle of party closures (HADEP to DEM Party). |
The Resolution Process | 2013–2015 | Historic peace talks; Öcalan's 2013 Newroz letter; massive reduction in violence. |
Urban Conflict | 2015–2016 | Peace collapses; trench warfare in cities; massive destruction of Sur, Cizre, and Şırnak. |
The Trustee Crackdown | 2016–2024 | Arrest of Demirtaş; democratically elected Kurdish mayors systematically replaced by state trustees (kayyum). |
Renewed Peace Efforts | 2024–2026 | Bahçeli initiates new opening; Öcalan calls for PKK disarmament (Feb 2025); fragile parliamentary steps toward resolution. |
9: Detailed Timeline of Northern Kurdistan
The history of Northern Kurdistan spans millennia, from ancient mountain kingdoms to modern democratic struggles. Below is a comprehensive chronological timeline of the key events that have shaped the land, the culture, and the political destiny of the Kurdish people in this region.
Antiquity and the Medieval Era (c. 860 BCE – 15th Century)
c. 860 – 590 BCE: The Kingdom of Urartu dominates the high-altitude regions around Lake Van and Ağrı, building massive stone fortresses and establishing the architectural legacy of the highlands.
612 BCE: The Median Empire (an Indo-Iranian power viewed as the cultural ancestors of the Kurds) allies with Babylon to overthrow the Neo-Assyrian Empire. This victory is mythologized in the Kurdish legend of Newroz.
401 BCE: Greek historian Xenophon records encountering the Carduchi—fiercely independent, mountain-dwelling guerrilla fighters—in the region of modern-day Şırnak and Hakkari.
69 BCE: The Kingdom of Corduene acts as a powerful, semi-autonomous buffer state between the Roman and Parthian/Armenian empires.
639 CE: Arab Islamic armies conquer the city of Amed (Diyarbakır). The slow integration of Kurdish tribes into the Sunni Islamic world begins.
990 – 1085 CE: The Marwanid Dynasty rules from Mayyafariqin (Silvan) and Diyarbakır, representing the golden age of medieval Kurdish statecraft, architecture, and religious tolerance.
13th – 15th Centuries: The Mongol invasions push Kurdish tribes deeper into the inaccessible Taurus and Zagros mountains, solidifying their high-altitude geography as a defense mechanism against the sweeping Turkmen confederations.
The Ottoman Era and the Emirates (1514 – 1914)
1514: The Battle of Chaldiran. Sunni Kurdish tribes ally with the Ottoman Empire to defeat the Shia Safavid Empire of Iran.
1515: Idris-i Bitlisi negotiates a historic pact granting Kurdish tribal leaders (Mirs) broad, hereditary autonomy in exchange for securing the Ottoman Empire's eastern borders. The era of the Kurdish Emirates begins.
1597: Sharafkhan Bidlisi, the Mir of Bitlis, writes the Sharafnama, the first comprehensive written history of the Kurdish dynasties.
17th Century: The great Kurdish poet Ehmedê Xanî writes the epic Mem û Zîn in the Emirate of Botan, planting the earliest intellectual seeds of a unified Kurdish national identity.
1847: The Ottoman Empire, centralizing its power, militarily defeats Bedir Khan Beg of Botan, officially ending the 300-year era of the autonomous Kurdish Emirates. Power shifts to religious Sheikhs.
1891: Sultan Abdulhamid II establishes the Hamidiye Cavalry, a state-sponsored irregular militia made up of specific Sunni Kurdish tribes, escalating regional ethnic tensions.
World War I and the Early Turkish Republic (1914 – 1938)
1914 – 1918: World War I devastates Eastern Anatolia. Hundreds of thousands of Kurds are displaced by the Russian advance, and the state-ordered Armenian Genocide fundamentally alters the region's demographics.
August 10, 1920: The Treaty of Sèvres is signed by the defeated Ottoman Empire. Section III promises a referendum for an independent Kurdish state.
1919 – 1923: Mustafa Kemal (Atatürk) launches the Turkish War of Independence, successfully convincing Kurdish leaders to fight alongside Turks to save the "Muslim homeland" from Western and Armenian partition.
July 24, 1923: The Treaty of Lausanne is signed. Sèvres is nullified, modern Turkish borders are established, and Kurdish rights are entirely ignored, partitioning the Kurdish homeland across four nations.
March 1924: The Turkish Republic abolishes the Islamic Caliphate and introduces a constitution denying Kurdish existence, banning the language and culture.
1925: The Sheikh Said Rebellion erupts in defense of religion and Kurdish identity. The state crushes the uprising and hangs Sheikh Said in Diyarbakır.
1927 – 1930: The secular Kurdish organization Xoybûn declares the independent "Republic of Ararat." The Turkish military eventually encircles and defeats the rebels.
1937 – 1938: The Dersim Massacre. The state violently subdues the autonomous Alevi-Kurdish region of Dersim. Leader Seyid Riza is hanged, tens of thousands of civilians are killed, and the province is renamed Tunceli.
The Armed Conflict and Modern Era (1978 – Present)
November 27, 1978: Abdullah Öcalan and left-wing students found the Marxist-Leninist Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) in the village of Fis.
September 12, 1980: A brutal military coup in Turkey leads to the mass arrest and severe torture of Kurdish activists in Diyarbakır Prison No. 5, radicalizing a new generation.
August 15, 1984: The PKK launches its first major guerrilla attacks in Eruh and Şemdinli, beginning the decades-long armed struggle.
1987: The Turkish state declares a State of Emergency (OHAL) across the region. The Village Guard system is established.
1990s: The bloodiest decade of the conflict. The state forcibly evacuates and burns over 3,000 Kurdish villages, displacing millions. Extrajudicial killings peak.
February 15, 1999: Abdullah Öcalan is captured in Kenya. From his island prison of İmralı, he shifts the PKK's ideology from an independent state to "Democratic Confederalism" within Turkey.
March 21, 2013: During the Newroz celebrations in Amed, Öcalan's letter calls for a ceasefire and a shift to democratic politics, officially launching the "Resolution Process" peace talks.
June 2015: The pro-Kurdish HDP (led by Selahattin Demirtaş) surpasses the 10% electoral threshold, securing 80 seats in the Turkish parliament.
Summer 2015 – 2016: The peace process collapses. Devastating urban trench warfare destroys historic districts in Sur, Cizre, and Şırnak.
November 2016: Following a national state of emergency, the state arrests HDP Co-Chairs Demirtaş and Yüksekdağ. The government begins its systematic policy of replacing elected Kurdish mayors with state-appointed trustees (kayyum).
Late 2024: Nationalist leader Devlet Bahçeli shocks the political establishment by floating a new political framework for peace.
February 2025: Abdullah Öcalan makes a historic call for the PKK to formally lay down its arms and transition entirely to democratic, legal politics.
2026: The Turkish parliament begins advancing legal reports to facilitate disarmament, though the region remains incredibly tense due to ongoing trustee appointments and political arrests.
10: Q&A: Frequently Asked Questions
The history of Northern Kurdistan is notoriously complex, and reading about it often generates as many questions as it answers. Below are some of the most frequently asked questions regarding the demographics, linguistics, and socio-political dynamics of the region.
Q: Do all Kurds in Northern Kurdistan practice the same religion?
A: No. While the vast majority of Kurds in Turkey are Muslims, there is a deep and historically significant religious divide within the population.
Sunni Muslims (The Majority): Approximately 75% to 80% of Kurds in Turkey are Sunni Muslims. Unlike the majority of ethnic Turks who follow the Hanafi school of Sunni Islam, most Sunni Kurds follow the Shafi'i school of jurisprudence. Historically, the religious authority of Sunni Sheikhs (particularly from the Naqshbandi order) played a massive role in Kurdish society and leadership, heavily influencing early 20th-century uprisings like the Sheikh Said rebellion.
Alevi Kurds (The Minority): A significant minority of Kurds (primarily concentrated in the provinces of Dersim/Tunceli, Bingöl, Sivas, and parts of Malatya and Maraş) practice Alevism. Alevism is a heterodox, syncretic Islamic tradition that incorporates elements of Shiism, Sufism, and pre-Islamic Anatolian and Mesopotamian beliefs. Alevis do not worship in mosques, but rather in gathering houses called Cemevis. Because of their distinct faith, Alevi Kurds have historically faced a "double discrimination" in Turkey—persecuted for being Kurdish by the state, and historically marginalized for being Alevi by hardline Sunni populations. The devastating 1937–1938 Dersim massacre was targeted specifically at this Alevi-Kurdish stronghold.
Other Faiths: Before the 20th century, the region was also home to tens of thousands of Kurdish Jews and Yezidis, though almost entirely all have since emigrated or been displaced to Israel, Europe, or Armenia.
Q: Do all Kurds in Turkey speak the same language?
A: No, the linguistic landscape is primarily split between two distinct, though related, languages/dialects.
Kurmanji (Kurmancî): This is the dominant dialect, spoken by the vast majority of Kurds in Northern Kurdistan, as well as by Kurds in Syria and parts of Iraq and Iran. It is an Indo-Iranian language written in the Latin alphabet in Turkey.
Zazaki (Kirmanjki / Dimilî): Spoken by roughly 2 to 3 million people, primarily in the northwestern arc of the region (Dersim, Bingöl, Elazığ, and Diyarbakır). Linguists often classify Zazaki as a separate language within the Northwestern Iranian language group, while Turkish state policies have sometimes tried to weaponize this linguistic difference to claim Zazas are not Kurds. However, culturally and politically, the overwhelming majority of Zaza speakers strongly identify as ethnic Kurds and have been central to the Kurdish political struggle.
Q: What exactly is the "Village Guard" (Korucu) system?
A: The Village Guard system is one of the most controversial and destructive policies implemented during the armed conflict.
In 1985, as the PKK guerrilla war escalated, the Turkish state realized it could not control the rugged rural terrain using conventional military alone. The government began arming loyalist Kurdish tribes, paying them a state salary to act as a paramilitary force against the PKK.
The Consequences: This essentially triggered a localized civil war among the Kurds. It empowered certain tribal warlords, leading to massive corruption, land theft, and blood feuds.
Forced Evacuations: If a village refused to take up state arms and join the Village Guard, the military often viewed them as PKK sympathizers. This refusal was the primary catalyst for the state's scorched-earth policy in the 1990s, resulting in the forced evacuation and burning of over 3,000 villages. Today, there are still over 50,000 armed Village Guards in the region, remaining a major hurdle to any lasting social reconciliation.
Q: Is it illegal to speak Kurdish in Turkey today?
A: The legal status of the Kurdish language has evolved, but it remains heavily restricted in official capacities.
The Era of Bans: Following the 1980 military coup, speaking Kurdish was strictly, legally banned in both public and private life. People were arrested and tortured simply for possessing Kurdish music cassettes. This outright ban was lifted in 1991.
Current Reality: Today, it is legal to speak Kurdish in the streets. There are state-funded Kurdish television channels (like TRT Kurdi), and universities offer Kurdish language and literature elective courses.
The Catch: Despite these relaxations, the Turkish Constitution still dictates that Turkish is the only official language. Therefore, Kurdish is not allowed as a primary language of instruction in public schools. Millions of Kurdish children are educated entirely in Turkish. Furthermore, local state authorities still frequently and arbitrarily ban Kurdish-language theater plays, concerts, and cultural events under the guise of "public security." When pro-Kurdish politicians speak Kurdish in the national parliament, it is still officially recorded in the minutes as "an unknown language."
Q: What is the difference between the PKK and pro-Kurdish political parties like the DEM Party?
A: Understanding this distinction is vital to understanding modern Turkish politics.
The PKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party): The PKK is an armed, militant organization founded in 1978. It has waged a decades-long guerrilla war against the Turkish military. It is officially designated as a terrorist organization by Turkey, the United States, and the European Union. Its founder, Abdullah Öcalan, directs its overarching ideology (now "Democratic Confederalism") from prison.
The DEM Party (Peoples' Equality and Democracy Party): The DEM Party (and its predecessors like the HDP and BDP) is a legal, democratic political party that operates within the Turkish parliamentary system. It is currently the third-largest party in the Turkish parliament. They advocate for Kurdish rights, democratization, environmentalism, and women's rights strictly through legal, electoral means.
The Tension: While they share a massive overlap in their voting base—millions of Kurds who desire cultural and political autonomy—they are distinct entities. However, the Turkish government consistently accuses the legal pro-Kurdish parties of being the "political wing" of the PKK. This accusation is used to justify the frequent arrests of their elected politicians, the removal of their mayors via state trustees (kayyum), and ongoing attempts to shut the party down in the Constitutional Court.
11: References & Further Reading
The history of Northern Kurdistan is vastly complex, and this guide serves as a foundational overview. For readers who wish to dive deeper into specific eras, tribal dynamics, or modern political movements, the following books are widely considered the authoritative texts by historians, anthropologists, and political scientists:
David McDowall, A Modern History of the Kurds
Why you should read it: If you only read one book on Kurdish history, make it this one. McDowall provides a meticulously researched, comprehensive overview of the Kurdish people across all four modern states, with extensive chapters dedicated specifically to the Ottoman era and the modern Turkish Republic.
Martin van Bruinessen, Agha, Shaikh and State: The Social and Political Structures of Kurdistan
Why you should read it: This is the definitive anthropological text on Kurdish society. Van Bruinessen brilliantly breaks down how traditional Kurdish power structures—tribal leaders (Aghas) and religious figures (Shaikhs)—operated, mediated conflicts, and interacted with the centralizing states of the 19th and 20th centuries.
Aliza Marcus, Blood and Belief: The PKK and the Kurdish Nationalist Movement in Turkey
Why you should read it: For a deep, objective dive into the modern armed conflict, Marcus provides an unparalleled history of the PKK. She traces the organization from its roots in the left-wing student movements of the 1970s through its brutal guerrilla war in the 1990s, relying heavily on interviews with former militants.
Uğur Ümit Üngör, The Making of Modern Turkey: Nation and State in Eastern Anatolia, 1913–1950
Why you should read it: This book is essential for understanding the early years of the Turkish Republic. Üngör details the aggressive state engineering, forced assimilation, and demographic restructuring policies implemented in Eastern Anatolia (Northern Kurdistan) that directly led to uprisings like Sheikh Said and Dersim.
Wadie Jwaideh, The Kurdish National Movement: Its Origins and Development
Why you should read it: A classic in the field of Kurdish studies, Jwaideh’s work is particularly strong in covering the late 19th and early 20th centuries. It masterfully details the transition from traditional, religiously motivated rebellions to modern, secular Kurdish nationalism following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire.
Mesut Yeğen, State and Kurds in Turkey: The Question of Assimilation
Why you should read it: Yeğen offers a fascinating look into how the Turkish state officially perceived the "Kurdish Question." By analyzing state discourse, he shows how the government deliberately framed Kurdish political resistance as mere "tribal backwardness," "banditry," or "religious reactionism" to deny the existence of a distinct ethnic identity.
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