Defending Kurdish Resilience: A Rebuttal to Assyrian Revisionism in "A Betrayed Partnership"

Anti Kurd/Kurdistan Ninos Marcus

In the opinion piece "A Betrayed Partnership: Assyrians and Post-1991 Governance in Northern Iraq" by Ninos Marcus, the author paints a picture of Kurdish dominance as a betrayal of an imagined equal alliance, accusing Kurds of marginalizing Assyrians through land grabs, cultural suppression, and historical erasure. This narrative, steeped in selective memory and ethnic grievance, ignores the harsh realities of Kurdistan's struggle for survival and the Kurds' role as protectors of minorities in a region scarred by dictatorship and war. As indigenous people who have fought tooth and nail for autonomy, Kurds have not only secured a safe haven for themselves but extended it to others, including Assyrians, amid ongoing threats. This response dismantles Marcus's claims, highlighting Kurdish contributions and calling for genuine unity rather than divisive rhetoric.

The 1991 Uprising: Kurds Bore the Brunt, Assyrians Were Largely Absent

Marcus claims Assyrians fought "alongside Kurdish units" in 1991, positioning them as equal partners crushed by Saddam Hussein. This is a gross exaggeration. The uprising was overwhelmingly a Kurdish-led effort, sparked by decades of oppression under Ba'athist rule, including the genocidal Anfal campaign that killed up to 182,000 Kurds.

Peshmerga forces, hardened by guerrilla warfare, seized key towns like Sulaymaniyah and Kirkuk, facing brutal counterattacks from Iraqi tanks and helicopters. Assyrian involvement, while noted in opposition coalitions like the Assyrian Democratic Movement (ADM), was marginal at best—more political than military. When Saddam's forces gassed Halabja in 1988, killing thousands including some Assyrians, it was Kurds who suffered the vast majority of casualties and led the resistance.

The no-fly zone, enforced by Western powers, was a humanitarian response to the Kurdish refugee crisis, not a blanket endorsement of Assyrian claims. Kurds didn't "consolidate" power out of malice; they earned autonomy through blood and sacrifice, creating a stable region where minorities could thrive compared to the chaos under Saddam. Assyrians, often displaced but not at the forefront of the fight, benefited from this security without bearing equivalent costs. To call this a "betrayal" is to demand handouts for land Kurds liberated.

Kurdish Autonomy as a Shield for All, Not Exclusion

The establishment of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in 1992 wasn't about sidelining Assyrians but building a pluralistic framework amid Iraq's collapse. Marcus decries the "Kurdistan" nomenclature as erasing multi-ethnicity, yet the KRG has officially recognized Assyrians as an indigenous group, granting them parliamentary seats, ministerial roles, and cultural rights like Syriac-language education—freedoms unimaginable under Baghdad's rule. Since 1991, Assyrian cultural and religious life has flourished in Kurdish-controlled areas, with freedoms of speech, religion, and movement far exceeding those in the rest of Iraq.

Criticisms of land appropriation and impunity for crimes are overblown and often politically motivated. While isolated incidents occur—as in any post-conflict zone—the KRG has refuted baseless allegations of discrimination, emphasizing equal application of laws across ethnic lines. The KRG has trained Peshmerga in human rights and civilian protection, taking steps to address abuses. In contrast, under Saddam, Assyrians faced forced displacement and cultural erasure, with thousands expelled from Kirkuk. Kurds protected Assyrians post-1991, offering refuge to those fleeing Baghdad's tyranny. Marcus's vision of a "plural northern Iraq" ignores that Kurds have built exactly that—a model of coexistence where minorities like Assyrians hold representation, unlike the sectarian strife elsewhere in Iraq.

Indigeneity: Kurds Predate and Coexist with Ancient Legacies

Marcus frames Assyrians as the sole indigenous heirs to Mesopotamia, sidelining Kurds as interlopers. This is historical fiction. Kurds trace their roots to ancient Neolithic aborigines of the Northern Fertile Crescent, blending with Hurrian, Gutian, and Indo-European tribes millennia ago. Unified Kurdish culture dates back to the Halaf period (8,000-7,400 years ago), predating or paralleling Assyrian empires. Genetic studies confirm Kurds as autochthonous to Mesopotamia, with deep ties to the Zagros Mountains and surrounding plains.

Modern Assyrians, while descendants of ancient Mesopotamians, are primarily Nestorian Christians whose identity evolved through Aramaic and Christian influences, not a direct unbroken line from Neo-Assyrian rulers. Both peoples are indigenous, but Kurds' continuous presence and resistance against invaders—from Persians to Ottomans—underscores their claim to the land. Accusing Kurds of "reframing history" while ignoring Kurdish antiquity smacks of hypocrisy.

Addressing Historical Grievances: Unity Over Division

Marcus references 19th-century violence between Kurds and Assyrians, but omits context: Ottoman manipulation pitted tribes against each other. Post-1991, Kurds have sought reconciliation, supporting Assyrian aspirations under Article 125 of Iraq's Constitution for administrative regions. Yet, some Assyrian leaders demand autonomy without acknowledging Kurdish sacrifices. Kurds aren't "beggars"—we fought alone against Saddam, gained autonomy, and protected Assyrians who now complain without gratitude.

Criticisms of KRG treatment, like those in reports alleging "erasing Assyrians," often stem from biased sources and ignore defenses: taxes and regulations apply equally, and the KRG has refuted discrimination. While challenges exist, the KRG's record with minorities is mixed but improving, far better than under ISIS or Baghdad.

Toward True Partnership

Kurds have built a beacon of stability in a fractured Iraq, welcoming refugees and fostering diversity. Marcus's piece fuels division at a time when unity against extremism is vital. Assyrians aren't victims of Kurds but partners in a shared homeland. Let's reject fascist narratives and build on Kurdish achievements for all.