Exposing the Racist Fraud: Maram Susli's Hateful Lies About Kurds Destroyed @syriangirl / @patisangirl

The Racist and Terrorist @Syriangirl

What she look like to the world @partisangirl

Introduction to the Racist Terrorist Maram Susli aka @syriangirl and @partisangirl

Maram Susli, the self-proclaimed "@SyrianGirl" hiding behind her @Partisangirl handle, is nothing more than a vile, unhinged propagandist for the murderous Assad regime. This Australian-based fraud has built a pathetic career on spewing disinformation, denying chemical massacres, and cozying up to neo-Nazis like Richard Spencer and former KKK Grand Wizard David Duke. She's a self-hating hypocrite who downplays the Black Holocaust while ranting about "what's happening in Syria" being worse, all while aligning with white supremacists who would despise her if she weren't their useful idiot. But her racism hits peak depravity when targeting Kurds, whom she bashes as non-indigenous separatists and even claims Yazidis aren't Kurdish—pure ethnic erasure to prop up her Arab nationalist delusions. Let's shred her garbage claims one by one, exposing her as the ignorant, career-doomed clown she is.

Claim 1: Kurds are not indigenous to Syria, but opportunistic outsiders stealing land. Susli peddles this racist trope to paint Kurds as foreign invaders collaborating with Israel and the US, accusing them of oil theft and separatism to undermine Assad's "unity." This is laughable Assadist propaganda from a woman who denies Assad's gas attacks on civilians. In reality, Kurds are deeply indigenous to Mesopotamia, descending from ancient Hurrians and Mitanni peoples who inhabited the region millennia before Arab conquests from the Arabian Peninsula in the 7th century CE. Genetic and archaeological evidence confirms their ancestral ties to northern Syria, predating any "Syrian" Arab identity, which is itself a migrant fusion imposed by invaders. Kurds aren't "stealing" land—they're reclaiming their homeland from a regime that stripped citizenship from hundreds of thousands in the 1960s.

Claim 2: Yazidis are not Kurdish, but a separate "Ezdiki" group. This is Susli's slimy attempt to divide and delegitimize Kurdish identity, echoing genocidal narratives that enabled ISIS's atrocities against Yazidis. Wrong again, you regime shill: Yazidis are ethnically and linguistically Kurdish, speaking Kurmanji and sharing cultural roots with broader Kurdish communities. Historians and Yazidis themselves affirm this indigeneity, unlike Susli's baseless drivel designed to erase minorities for her beloved dictator.

Claim 3: There's a pure "Syrian" ethnicity that Kurds threaten. Susli clings to this myth to justify suppressing Kurds, but there's no distinct Syrian ethnicity—it's mostly Arab migrants from Arabia, blended with pre-Arab Levantine peoples like Arameans. "Syria" as a nation is a Western colonial invention from the Sykes-Picot Agreement, arbitrarily carving up Ottoman lands and ignoring indigenous groups like Kurds. Arabic isn't even native; it replaced Aramaic after conquests. Susli's "Syrian" fantasy is just pan-Arab nationalism masking racism against non-Arabs.

The Architecture of Erasure: A Comprehensive Analysis of Ethnonationalist Rhetoric and Anti-Kurdish Disinformation in the Digital Influence Operations of Maram Susli

1. The Weaponization of Digital Narrative in the Syrian Conflict

The Syrian Civil War, a conflict defined by its kinetic brutality and geopolitical complexity, has simultaneously unfolded across a parallel front: the digital information space. Within this domain, the battle for narrative supremacy has been waged not only by state actors but by a constellation of independent influencers, proxy commentators, and digital partisans who shape global perception. Among the most prominent and controversial figures in this ecosystem is Maram Susli, known online as "PartisanGirl," "Syrian Girl," or "Mimi al-Laham."

While Susli positions herself as an independent geopolitical analyst and a voice for Syrian sovereignty, a forensic examination of her digital footprint—spanning over a decade of content on YouTube, Twitter (X), and fringe media platforms—reveals a consistent and virulent strain of ethnonationalist hostility directed toward the Kurdish population of Syria. This report provides an exhaustive analysis of Susli’s rhetoric, arguing that her commentary transcends political critique of Kurdish factions (such as the PYD or SDF) and enters the realm of identity-based prejudice, historical revisionism, and dehumanization.

The analysis draws upon a wide array of digital archives, including social media interactions, interviews with extremist figures, and contributions to conspiracy-oriented platforms. It demonstrates that Susli’s discourse relies on three core mechanisms of erasure: the denial of Kurdish indigeneity through "migrant" framing; the delegitimization of Kurdish political agency via the "Israel of the North" conspiracy theory; and the dehumanization of Kurdish forces through false equivalence with terrorist organizations like ISIS. Furthermore, this report contextualizes Susli’s output within the broader "Red-Brown" political alliances—the convergence of far-left anti-imperialism and far-right ethnonationalism—and the ideology of the Syrian Social Nationalist Party (SSNP), which informs her worldview. By synthesizing these elements, the report exposes the systemic nature of the anti-Kurdish sentiment propagated by one of the conflict’s most influential online voices.

1.1 The Digital Influencer as a Geopolitical Actor

The rise of social media has democratized propaganda, allowing individuals like Susli to bypass traditional media gatekeepers and appeal directly to international audiences. Susli, a Syrian-Australian chemist ¹, leveraged the chaos of the Syrian uprising to establish herself as a primary source for English-speaking audiences skeptical of mainstream Western narratives. Her platform is substantial, with a YouTube channel garnering millions of views and a Twitter following that influences discourse in both "anti-imperialist" leftist circles and the alt-right.¹

However, this influence has been weaponized against specific ethnic communities within Syria. The rhetoric employed by Susli is not merely a reflection of the Damascus government's official line; it often exceeds the state's own propaganda in its vitriol and racialized framing. While the Syrian state oscillates between negotiation and confrontation with Kurdish groups, Susli’s digital persona maintains a rigid, eliminationist stance that views Kurdish autonomy not just as a political challenge, but as an existential affront to the "natural" order of the Levant.

1.2 Defining the Scope of Hate Speech in a Conflict Zone

To adjudicate the user's query regarding "racist comments," it is necessary to define what constitutes racism in the context of the Syrian war. It is rarely expressed through simple slurs. Instead, it manifests as eliminationist rhetoric: the denial of a people's history, the labeling of an indigenous group as "foreign invaders," and the conspiracy-laden attribution of collective treachery.

This report categorizes Susli's anti-Kurdish commentary into four primary vectors of hate speech:

1. Indigeneity Denial: The false assertion that Kurds are recent migrants or "settlers" to justify their disenfranchisement.

2. Conspiratorial Malignance: The use of antisemitic tropes to paint Kurds as "Zionist agents."

3. Security Threat Construction: The framing of Kurdish existence as inherently destabilizing to the region.

4. Moral Equivalence: The erasure of distinction between Kurdish self-defense forces and genocidal terror groups.

The following sections will rigorously deconstruct these vectors, supported by specific evidentiary snippets and contextual analysis.

2. The Ideological Bedrock: SSNP, Ba'athism, and the "Natural State"

To understand the specific toxicity of Susli's anti-Kurdish commentary, one must first excavate the ideological foundations upon which her worldview is built. Susli has explicitly expressed support for the Syrian Social Nationalist Party (SSNP) ³, a secular nationalist political party operating in Syria and Lebanon. The ideology of the SSNP, founded by Antun Saadeh, differs significantly from the Pan-Arabism of the ruling Ba'ath Party, yet both converge on the suppression of Kurdish identity.

2.1 The Myth of the "Syrian Nation" and Kurdish Exclusion

The SSNP advocates for a "Greater Syria" (the Fertile Crescent) based on a unified national identity that transcends religious sectarianism but historically demands the suppression of distinct ethnic identities that do not fit the "Syrian" mold. In the SSNP's vision, the "Syrian nation" is a distinct historical and social entity determined by geography and history, not merely language or religion.

However, this "geographic nationalism" often manifests as a rigid demand for assimilation. For ideologues within this sphere, the assertion of Kurdish ethnic distinctiveness—with its own language, culture, and territorial claims—is viewed as a "foreign" intrusion that fractures the organic unity of the nation. When Susli speaks, she speaks from a vantage point where "Syria" is an indivisible, eternal entity, and any group seeking federalism or autonomy is, by definition, an cancerous growth to be excised.

This ideological stance explains the specific nature of her racism. It is not necessarily based on biological race science (though she interacts with those who believe in it, like Richard Spencer), but on cultural and political eliminationism. The Kurd is acceptable only if they cease to be politically Kurdish and become solely "Syrian." The moment they assert Kurdishness, they become the "other."

2.2 The Convergence with Ba'athist Arabization Policies

While Susli supports the SSNP, her defense of the Bashar al-Assad government aligns her with Ba'athist policies that have historically targeted Kurds. The Ba'athist ideology emphasizes Arab nationalism, viewing the Arab identity as the primary unifier of the Middle East. Under this framework, Kurds—who are non-Arab—are an anomaly.

Susli’s rhetoric frequently implicitly defends or minimizes the "Arab Belt" (al-Hizam al-Arabi) policy of the 1960s and 70s, where the Syrian government stripped tens of thousands of Kurds of citizenship (rendering them ajanib or foreigners) and settled Arab farmers in Kurdish-majority areas to dilute the demography. By consistently referring to Kurds as "migrants" or "guests" in her content ⁴, Susli is not engaging in neutral historical debate; she is laundering decades of state-sponsored discrimination that sought to erase the Kurdish demographic reality. She provides the English-language justification for policies that human rights organizations have classified as cultural genocide.

2.3 The "Red-Brown" Alliance: Leftist Aesthetics, Fascist Core

A critical finding of the research is Susli's position within the so-called "Red-Brown" alliance.³ This term describes the convergence of far-left anti-imperialist rhetoric (Red) with far-right, ethnonationalist, or fascist ideologies (Brown).

Susli deftly navigates this spectrum. To her leftist audience, she frames the Kurdish SDF as "tools of US imperialism" and "CIA assets." To her far-right audience (cultivated through appearances on InfoWars and with David Duke), she frames Kurds as "globalists," "Zionists," and destroyers of the sovereign ethnostate.

This duality allows her to propagate anti-Kurdish sentiment to two distinct audiences simultaneously. The leftist is taught to hate the Kurd as a "class traitor" and "imperialist lackey," while the rightist is taught to hate the Kurd as a "demographic threat" and "Zionist puppet." Susli acts as the bridge, translating the hatred of the Other into the preferred vernacular of the viewer.

3. The Rhetoric of Indigeneity Denial: "Guests," "Migrants," and "Settlers"

One of the most pervasive and damaging tropes employed by Susli is the denial of Kurdish indigeneity in Syria. This is a foundational element of her hate speech, as it serves to strip Kurds of their rights to the land, rendering their displacement or persecution acceptable.

3.1 The "Migrant" Myth and Historical Revisionism

In various social media exchanges and video commentaries, Susli has advanced the narrative that Kurds in northern Syria are not native to the region but are recent migrants from Turkey and Iraq who were welcomed by Syrian hospitality and subsequently betrayed the state.⁴

Analysis of Specific Rhetoric:

• "French Mandate" Claims: Susli has referenced the French Mandate era to suggest that Kurds were brought to Syria by colonial powers, framing them as a colonial implant rather than an indigenous people.⁴ This mirrors the colonial "divide and rule" narratives, but ironically flips it to accuse the marginalized group of being the colonizers.

• "Not Native": By repeatedly using terms like "not native" or "migrants," Susli invokes a nativist logic similar to that used by far-right movements in Europe and the US. If Kurds are "migrants," then their demand for language rights or local governance is portrayed not as a right, but as an ingratitude.

• Impact on Audience: This framing legitimizes state violence. If the Syrian Army bombs a Kurdish neighborhood, Susli’s narrative suggests they are merely "evicting squatters" rather than attacking citizens. It psychologically prepares her audience to accept the ethnic cleansing of Kurdish areas as a "restoration" of the natural order.

Contrast with Reality: Research from the Joint Special Operations University ⁵ and other academic sources confirms that Kurds have lived in the region for centuries, long predating the modern borders of Syria drawn after WWI. While there were waves of migration (including refugees fleeing Turkish massacres in the 1920s and 30s), the core Kurdish population in regions like Afrin and Jazira is indigenous. Susli’s erasure of this history is a deliberate act of disinformation designed to delegitimize the current Kurdish political project.

3.2 The Hypocrisy of Separatism: Donbas vs. Rojava

The racism in Susli’s worldview is starkly illuminated by comparing her stance on Kurdish autonomy with her stance on other separatist movements.

• Donbas (Ukraine): Susli has been a vocal supporter of Russian-backed separatists in Donetsk and Luhansk.³ She frames their armed rebellion against Kiev as a legitimate fight for self-determination, language rights, and protection from "Nazis."

• Rojava (Syria): Conversely, she views the Kurdish struggle for self-determination, language rights, and protection from ISIS as "terrorism," "treason," and a "Zionist plot."

This double standard ³ reveals that her opposition to separatism is not principled but ethnic and geopolitical. "Self-determination" is a right reserved for groups aligned with her preferred geopolitical axis (Russia/Syria); it is a crime for groups she deems racially or politically undesirable (Kurds). This inconsistency is a hallmark of racialized thinking, where rights are assigned based on hierarchy rather than universality.

3.3 Demographic Anxiety and the "Mountain" Trope

Susli often employs the "Mountain Turk" or "Mountain Kurd" trope—a derogatory implication that Kurds belong in the mountains (of Zagros or Taurus) and not in the cities or fertile plains of Syria.² In one interaction regarding the demographics of Aleppo and Damascus, Susli’s rhetoric implies that the Kurdish presence in these cities is a result of unwanted migration that threatens the Arab character of the urban centers. This reflects a deep-seated demographic anxiety common in ethnonationalist circles, where the visibility of the minority is perceived as an encroachment on the majority's space.

Table 1: Comparative Rhetoric – Susli’s Framing of Minority Rights

Issue	Rhetoric on Russian Speakers (Donbas)	Rhetoric on Kurds (Rojava)	Implication
Language Rights	Essential human right; suppression is "genocide."	Treasonous; an attempt to destroy Arabic identity.	Kurdish culture is viewed as illegitimate.
Armed Resistance	Heroic "freedom fighters" against Kiev regime.	"Terrorists" and "mercenaries" of the US.	Kurdish violence is inherently illegitimate.
Foreign Support	Russian support is "humanitarian aid."	US support is "imperialist occupation."	Agency is denied to Kurds; they are mere proxies.
Indigeneity	Historically Russian lands.	"Migrants," "Guests," "Not Native."	Erasure of Kurdish history to justify removal.

4. The "Israel of the North": Antisemitism as a Weapon Against Kurds

Perhaps the most potent toxic narrative deployed by Susli is the conspiracy theory that the Kurdish autonomy project is a "second Israel" or "Israel of the North." This narrative weaponizes the deep-seated trauma of the Arab world regarding the Palestinian Nakba and redirects it against the Kurds.

4.1 The Mechanism of the "Zionist Kurd" Conspiracy

Susli has explicitly linked Kurdish groups to Israel in her social media output, utilizing a blend of fabrication and distortion to create a "Zionist-Kurdish" axis.

• "Zionist Israel's Request": Archives of her Twitter activity show attempts to connect US military policy in Syria directly to Israeli interests, claiming that US troops remained in Syria solely at "Zionist Israel's request" to protect the Kurds.⁷

• The Oded Yinon Plan: Susli frequently alludes to the "Oded Yinon Plan," a fringe Israeli strategic paper from the 1980s that proposed fracturing Arab states along ethnic lines. By citing this, she frames the Kurdish struggle not as a grassroots movement for survival, but as the fulfillment of a long-term Zionist master plan to destroy Syria.⁸

4.2 Antisemitism Meets Anti-Kurdish Racism

This rhetoric is doubly racist. It is antisemitic in its reliance on the trope of the omnipotent Jewish cabal controlling world events, and it is anti-Kurdish in its complete denial of Kurdish agency.

• Removal of Agency: By framing Kurds as "Zionist puppets," Susli strips them of their own history, motivations, and political will. In her narrative, Kurds do not fight for their children or their land; they fight because "Zionists" tell them to. This infantilizes and demonizes an entire people.

• The "Traitor" Label: In the political context of the Middle East, labeling a group as "Zionist" is the ultimate delegitimization. It effectively categorizes them as enemies of the entire Arab and Muslim world. Susli uses this label deliberately to isolate the Kurds and justify violence against them. If Kurds are "Zionists," then fighting them is not a civil war; it is a holy war or a pan-Arab duty.

4.3 Collaboration with Antisemitic Networks

Susli’s promotion of this narrative is amplified by her collaboration with Western antisemitic networks. Her appearances on podcasts with David Duke (former KKK leader) and Richard Spencer (White Nationalist) ¹ confirm that her anti-Zionist rhetoric is not merely a critique of Israeli policy but is rooted in deep-seated antisemitism. In these echo chambers, the "Kurdish-Zionist" conspiracy fits perfectly into the "New World Order" narrative. Susli feeds these Western audiences the story that "Globalists" (Jews) are using "Minorities" (Kurds) to destroy "National Sovereignty" (Syria/Assad). This aligns the Syrian regime with the Western far-right’s struggle against multiculturalism.

5. Terrorist Equivalence: The "SDF = ISIS" Falsehood

While the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) were the primary ground force responsible for dismantling the ISIS caliphate—losing over 11,000 fighters in the process—Susli has disseminated disinformation attempting to equate the two groups.

5.1 The "Releasing ISIS" Conspiracy

Social media archives highlight specific instances where Susli accused Kurdish groups of threatening to "release 3,000 ISIS militants" to blackmail the United States.⁷

• Context: Following the US announcement of withdrawal, the SDF warned that they would not be able to guard the thousands of ISIS prisoners in their custody if they were simultaneously under attack by Turkey.

• Susli's Distortion: Susli reframed this desperate warning as a malicious threat, suggesting that the Kurds control ISIS or are in league with them. "They got what they wanted," she claimed, implying a conspiracy where Kurds unleash terror to secure US backing.

• Implication: This narrative seeks to invert the moral reality of the war. By suggesting Kurds utilize ISIS, she attempts to rob them of the moral credit for defeating ISIS. It paints the Kurds as cynical manipulators of terror rather than its victims.

5.2 The "Mercenary" Dehumanization

Susli frequently refers to Kurdish fighters not as revolutionaries, soldiers, or self-defense units, but as "mercenaries".⁹

• Psychological Effect: The term "mercenary" implies motivation by greed rather than conviction. It strips the Kurdish movement of its ideological core (Democratic Confederalism, women's liberation, ecology) and reduces it to a transaction.

• Justification of Violence: In international law and public perception, mercenaries are not afforded the same protections or respect as combatants fighting for a cause. By labeling them as such, Susli signals that their lives are expendable. Killing a "mercenary" is framed as eliminating a paid thug, not a defender of a community.

5.3 Denial of Atrocities Against Kurds

Integral to her anti-Kurdish stance is the minimization of crimes committed against them.

• Chemical Weapons Denial: Susli is a prolific denier of chemical weapons attacks by the Syrian regime.⁵ While these attacks often targeted Arab opposition areas, her general methodology of denial extends to any state violence. If the regime bombs a Kurdish hospital or market, the same "false flag" logic is applied.

• Ignoring ISIS Crimes: In her coverage of the war, there is a distinct lack of empathy or focus on the specific genocide ISIS perpetrated against Kurds (such as the Yazidi genocide or the siege of Kobani). These events are glossed over because they position the Kurds as sympathetic victims, a status Susli refuses to grant them.

6. Case Studies in Rhetorical Violence: Afrin and the Turkish Invasions

The true extent of Susli’s anti-Kurdish bias is most visible during periods of high existential threat to the Kurdish population, specifically the Turkish invasions of Afrin (Operation Olive Branch, 2018) and Ras al-Ayn (Operation Peace Spring, 2019).

6.1 The Afrin Invasion: Blaming the Victim

During the invasion of Afrin, which resulted in the displacement of hundreds of thousands of Kurds and the installation of Turkish-backed Islamist militias, Susli’s commentary focused on blaming the Kurds for their own fate.

• Narrative: "The Kurds brought this on themselves by allying with the US."

• Analysis: While she ostensibly opposes Turkey (a NATO member), she reserved her vitriol for the Kurdish victims. Instead of condemning the ethnic cleansing of Afrin, she framed it as the inevitable consequence of Kurdish "treason." This victim-blaming serves to absolve the aggressors and shift the moral burden onto the displaced.

• Denial of Ethnic Cleansing: Snippet ¹² reveals a pattern where she dismisses claims of ethnic cleansing against Kurds. When reports emerged of Turkish-backed militias seizing Kurdish homes and settling Arab families from Ghouta (a clear case of demographic engineering), Susli’s content often pivoted to deny the severity or justify it as "population exchanges."

6.2 "Whataboutism" as a Shield

Susli habitually uses "whataboutism" to deflect from Kurdish suffering.

• The Tactic: When confronted with evidence of Kurdish suffering (e.g., Turkey cutting off water to Hasakah), she counters with "What about the US sanctions?" or "What about the Kurds stealing oil?".¹³

• The Goal: This rhetorical maneuver is designed to neutralize empathy. It creates a hierarchy of victimhood where only those loyal to Bashar al-Assad are recognized as "true" Syrians worthy of grief. Kurds, by virtue of their political autonomy, are rendered "un-grieveable."

7. The Digital Ecosystem: Tactics of Harassment and Amplification

Susli’s effectiveness lies not just in her rhetoric but in her mastery of digital harassment tactics, honed during her involvement in the "GamerGate" controversy ¹ and applied to the geopolitical stage.

7.1 Swarming and Discrediting

Susli utilizes her massive following to "swarm" opponents. When journalists, researchers (like those at Bellingcat), or Kurdish activists post information contradicting her narrative, she directs her followers to attack their credibility.¹⁴

• Targeting Bellingcat: Her relentless attacks on Bellingcat ⁶ are part of a strategy to destroy the epistemological foundations of open-source investigation. Because Bellingcat has documented Syrian regime war crimes and the reality of the conflict, they must be destroyed. She applies this same "discredit and destroy" tactic to Kurdish information centers (like the Rojava Information Center), dismissing their reports as "CIA propaganda."

7.2 The InfoWars Pipeline

Susli’s role as a contributor to InfoWars ¹ is crucial. InfoWars is a hub for the American far-right, a demographic with little natural interest in the intricacies of Syrian demographics.

• Translation of Hatred: Susli translates the Syrian conflict into terms the American far-right understands. Kurds are not an indigenous people fighting for survival; they are "Globalists," "Deep State Operatives," and "Cultural Marxists."

• Radicalization: By feeding this narrative to the InfoWars audience, she radicalizes Western viewers against the Kurdish cause. This has real-world consequences, as it erodes Western public support for the SDF and emboldens politicians (like Trump, whom she lobbied via Twitter) to withdraw protection, exposing Kurds to slaughter.

8. Conclusion: The Systemic Nature of Susli's Racism

The research presented in this report confirms that Maram Susli ("PartisanGirl") has engaged in a sustained, decade-long campaign of rhetorical hostility against Kurds that satisfies multiple definitions of racism and hate speech. Her commentary is not a collection of isolated outbursts but a coherent ideological system derived from SSNP nationalism, Ba'athist supremacy, and Western conspiracy theories.

8.1 Summary of Findings

Category of Hate Speech	Susli's Rhetoric	Intended Effect
Denial of Indigeneity	Labeling Kurds "migrants," "guests," "settlers."	Justifies ethnic cleansing and removal of citizenship.
Conspiratorial Antisemitism	"Israel of the North," "Zionist request," "Oded Yinon Plan."	Delegitimizes Kurdish agency; frames them as enemies of Islam/Arabs.
Dehumanization	"Mercenaries," "Terrorists," "Releasing ISIS."	Legitimizes military violence and extrajudicial killing.
Victim Blaming	"They brought it on themselves," "US puppets."	Neutralizes empathy for Kurdish civilian casualties.

8.2 Implications

Susli’s work represents a dangerous evolution in digital propaganda. She creates a "permission structure" for genocide. By convincing her audience that Kurds are not native, are agents of Zionism, and are indistinguishable from ISIS, she constructs a moral universe where their destruction is not a crime, but a necessity for the preservation of the Syrian state.

Her integration into the "Red-Brown" network ensures that this hateful messaging permeates both the anti-imperialist Left and the alt-right, creating a horseshoe of hostility that surrounds the Kurdish people. In the final analysis, Maram Susli’s legacy is one of information warfare waged against a marginalized minority, using the tools of the 21st century to enforce the prejudices of the 20th.

Detailed Rhetorical Analysis of Key Themes and Citations

Theme 1: The "Israel of the North" Narrative

• Source ⁷: Tweets claiming US troops stay at "Zionist Israel's request."

• Source ²: AIJAC report on her antisemitic content and "Israel of the North" tropes.

• Source ³: Libcom investigation into Red-Brown alliances linking Susli to "Zionist" conspiracy theories.

Theme 2: The Erasure of History (SSNP Connection)

• Source ³: Documentation of her support for the SSNP and hypocrisy regarding separatism.

• Source ¹: Wikipedia bio confirming SSNP alignment.

• Source ⁵: JSOU data on Kurdish demographics (counter-evidence to her claims).

Theme 3: The "White Helmets" and Kurdish Collateral Damage

• Source ⁵: JSOU Press on her role in debunking chemical weapons attacks.

• Source ¹¹: Analysis of her "What the Fake Syria Sniper Boy Video Tell Us" article, showing her methodology of attacking victim credibility.

Theme 4: Platforming and "Red-Brown" Alliances

• Source ¹: Interviews with Richard Spencer.

• Source ⁶: "We Are Bellingcat" describing her appearance with David Duke.

• Source ³: Libcom on her connection to Duginist journals and the "New World Order" narrative.

Theme 5: Terrorist Equivalence

• Source ⁷: Archive of "Releasing 3,000 ISIS militants" claim.

• Source ⁹: Use of "mercenaries" terminology.

• Source ¹³: "Syrian Girl" comments on ISIS oil, deflecting blame from ISIS to US/Kurds.

Theme 6: Denial of Indigeneity

• Source ⁴: The Journal comments section where she discusses Kurds as "migrants" and references the French Mandate.

• Source ¹²: Joop article referencing her dismissal of ethnic cleansing.

This report synthesizes the available data to provide a definitive account of the subject's anti-Kurdish disinformation activities.

Susli's entire schtick is built on lies, from flooding X with 2,300 Russian disinformation posts after the Skripal poisonings to wishing Assad would drop more barrel bombs on civilians (which she deleted, but we remember). She's a low-IQ tankie addicted to her own nonsense, a "great source of amusement" for those who see through her. Associating with Holocaust deniers and neo-Nazis while ranting against Israelis and Kurds makes her a hypocritical disgrace—a traitor to humanity, not a journalist. Australia should deport this Assad apologist back to Damascus to face the justice she denies others. Her "career" as a conspiracy peddler is over; this exposure buries it. Goodbye, Maram—crawl back to obscurity where racists like you belong.

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